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Full text of "The Jesuit college : a center for knowledge, art, and faith 1548-1773"

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The Jesuit College 

A Center for Knowledge, Art, and Faith 
1548-1773 



LUCE GIA 



BX3701 .S88 

v.40:no.1(2008:spring) 
04/09/2008 

Current Periodicals 



40/1 • SPRING 2008 



THE SEMINAR ON JESUIT SPIRITUALITY 

The Seminar is composed of a number of Jesuits appointed from their provinces in the United 
States. 

It concerns itself with topics pertaining to the spiritual doctrine and practice of Jesuits, 
especially United States Jesuits, and communicates the results to the members of the provinces 
through its publication. Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits. This is done in the spirit of 
Vatican II's recommendation that religious institutes recapture the original inspiration of their 
founders and adapt it to the circumstances of modern times. The Seminar welcomes reactions or 
comments in regard to the material that it publishes. 

The Seminar focuses its direct attention on the life and work of the Jesuits of the Unit- 
ed States. The issues treated may be common also to Jesuits of other regions, to other priests, 
religious, and laity, to both men and women. Hence, the journal, while meant especially for Amer- 
ican Jesuits, is not exclusively for them. Others who may find it helpful are cordially welcome to 
make use of it. 

CURRENT MEMBERS OF THE SEMINAR 

Richard A. Blake, S. J., is chairman of the Seminar and editor of Studies; he teaches film studies 

at Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Mass. (2002). 
James T. Bretzke, S.J., teaches theology at the University of San Francisco, San Francisco, Cal. 

(2006) 
Gerald T. Cobb, S.J., teaches English at Seattle University, Seattle, Wash. (2007) 
Patrick J. Howell, S.J., is vice-president for Mission and Ministry at Seattle University, Seattle, 

Wash. (2006) 
Mark S. Massa, S.J., teaches theology and is director of the American Catholic Studies Program 

at Fordham University, Bronx, N. Y. (2006) 
Thomas Massaro, S.J., teaches moral theology at Weston Jesuit School of Theology, Cambridge, 

Mass. (2006) 
Gerald L. McKevitt, S.J., teaches history at Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, Cal. (2005) 
Philip J. Rosato, S.J., is senior fellow at the Woodstock Theological Center, Washington, D.C. 

(2005) 
Thomas J. Scirghi, S.J., teaches liturgy at the Jesuit School of Theology at Berkeley, Berkeley, 

Cal. (2007) 
Thomas Worcester, S.J., teaches history at the College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Mass. 

(2007) 
Michael A. Zampelli, S.J., teaches theater and dance at Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, Cal. 

(2007) 

The opinions expressed in Studies are those of the individual authors thereof. Parentheses des- 
ignate year of entry as a Seminar member. 

Copyright © 2008 and published by the Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality 



Business Office 

Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 

3601 Lindell Blvd. 

St. Louis, MO 63108 

Tel. 314-633-4622; Fax 314-633-4623 

E-mail ijs@jesuitsources.com 



Editorial Office 

Faber House 

102 College Road 

Chestnut Hill, MA 02467-3841 

Tel. 617-552-0860; Fax 617-552-0925 

E-mail fleminpb@bc.edu 



The Jesuit College 

A Center for Knowledge, Art, and Faith 

1548-1773 



Luce Giard 



Translated by Brian Van Hove, S.J. 



STUDIES IN THE SPIRITUALITY 

OF JESUITS 

40/1 • SPRING 2008 



the first word , . . 



Since 1896 the New York Times has proudly displayed the motto "All the News 
That's Fit to Print/' much to the table-thumping outrage of many of the vener- 
able brethren who take exception to its political positions. (No, father, the earth 
is not flat. Get over it!) Despite its eminence as a news-gathering organization, 
even the Times experiences a slow news day once in a while. As a result, the ed- 
itors and compositors have to search through archives to resurrect killed stories 
and features to fill its pages with enough good, gray print to provide a suitably 
ponderous setting for advertisers. On days such as this, the motto might be re- 
vised to read, "All the News That Fits We Print." 

Occasionally this process produces a gem. Several months ago some- 
one at the Times dug up a wonderful feature story about New York lawyers. It 
seems some of them were trying to impress judges, prosecutors, and juries by 
peppering their language with an occasional Yiddish word or phrase, as though 
this proved their New York street smarts and gave them admission to some se- 
cret society. The only problem was that, more often than not, these high-pow- 
ered attorneys from around the country, who had mastered both Legalese and 
Waspese during their years in the Ivy League, literally didn't know what they 
were talking about. The phrase that drew laughs during a Mel Brooks movie 
might very well have connotations that opposing attorneys and judges, whose 
upbringing placed them closer to the immigrant experience, understood all too 
well. The Times reporter mentioned several instances of red-faced attorneys 
having to apologize after being admonished and threatened with contempt 
for using language unsuited to their profession and to the dignity of the court. 
Even the examples that the Times cited in coy paraphrase as appropriate for a 
newspaper that prides itself on its standards of propriety might not be suitable 
in a clerical journal dedicated to spirituality. Studies will refrain from presenting 
the quotations, but readers are invited to use their imaginations. 

Let's not be too hard on the lawyers. Living in a cosmopolitan city brings 
with it many ethnic hazards, not the least of which is thinking we know much 
more about other people and groups than we actually do. New Yorkers, native 
born and newly arrived alike, cannot help but be aware of the city's large, old, 
and vibrant Jewish community. It's an easy step to succumb to the illusion that 
they know much more about the people and their ancestral language than they 
do in fact. (Trying a few words in another language need not be a deliberate 
slur. It can in fact be a sign of respect, friendship, and even affection. But I won- 
der what a waiter in a French restaurant thinks when someone drags out a few 



tn 



ill-remembered phrases of a high-school conversation book to impress dinner 
companions.) 

On a few occasions people who know of my roots in Brooklyn have as- 
sumed an association with the New York Jewish community that simply does 
not exist. Once when visiting Chicago, an old Jesuit friend from graduate- 
school days wanted to take me out to lunch. He had heard of a great Jewish 
delicatessen that he knew Fd enjoy as though Fd just opened a box of cookies 
from home. Of course, most of the items on the menu could have been printed 
in Mandarin for all I knew. Why should I know the difference between a blintz 
and a blini? And several beverages would appear higher on my list of favor- 
ite drinks than celery tonic and seltzer. At least Fm better off than another Je- 
suit friend I shared a hotel room with during a conference a few years ago. As 
lunch time drew near, I told him I was going out to get a bagel and lox. When I 
offered to bring one back for him, he asked, ''WhaFs a lock?'' Maybe Brooklyn 
does foster intuitive knowledge of such things after all. 

But maybe not. As I look back on it, the old neighborhood didn't really 
provide much interaction between ethnic groups. The few Yiddish words and 
phrases at my disposal probably came much later, perhaps from reading Potok, 
Doctorow, Bellow, Roth, and of course the delightful glossaries of Leo Rosten. 
The films of Brooks, Lumet, and Allen may not have added to the vocabulary, 
but they certainly demonstrated the proper intonation for maximum impact. 
By way of comparison, think how the majestic Italian words of Dante and Tasso 
take on an added urgency when spoken in The Godfather films, especially if the 
speaker is holding a gun or a baseball bat. 

I wonder why there wasn't more of a transcultural exchange in the old 
neighborhood than there was. Proximity helps, but it's not enough. Exchange 
takes conscious effort. There were a fair number of Jewish families in the neigh- ^ 
borhood, but their children went to the public school, and the Irish and Italian 
kids to the parish school. We played together, but who is concerned with un- 
derstanding other ethnic and religious traditions when there are important mat-i 
ters at hand, like stickball and street hockey? Many of the shop owners were 
Jewish, but picking up an egg cream, dry cleaning, or a prescription doesn't 
provide much of a forum for serious dialogue. Nor does a visit to a local dentist 
or physician. Who wants to discuss culture in a room filled with instruments 
that at any moment could inflict extreme unpleasantness on your body? 

Institutions run the same risk of insularity through neglect, and they 
have to take conscious action to function as part of their host communities. 
Again, proximity is not enough. My alma mater, Brooklyn Prep, was located in 
Crown Heights, home to one of the largest Hasidic communities in the world, 
including that of the Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Schneerson, who from the 
1950s until his death in 1994 was one of the foremost Jewish spiritual leaders in 
the world. Between the subway stop and school, we would often run into little 
boys from Hebrew shul, complete with velvet yarmulkes and side locks, hang- 
ing on to a rope held by a rabbi as they marched off for an outing in a nearby 
playground. It was a curiosity, but we rarely acknowledged one another's exis- 



IV 



tence. We saw signs in shop windows, which we identified as 7-W-D, and only 
much later did I realize that this word in Hebrew letters was pronounced ko- 
sher. 

On hindsight, at least from the perspective of a high-school student, it 
seemed that B.R existed as its own fortress city and had very little relationship 
to the surrounding countryside. Most of us came by bus or subway from other 
neighborhoods, went to classes, participated in after-school activities, and then 
took the same bus or subway back home. Crown Heights or Hasidism scarce- 
ly made any impact on our consciousness. Perhaps the Jesuits working there 
did reach out to the local community through St. Ignatius parish but, as a boy, I 
was unaware of it. At the time, in the mid-1950s, interfaith dialogue had not yet 
achieved the priority status it enjoys today, so if the parish did reach out to the 
neighborhood, I would imagine its efforts would have been directed to the rem- 
nant Catholic community rather than the Hasidim. 

To risk offering a subjective impression rather than the results of a sci- 
entific survey, these days Jesuit institutions seem to be making admirable ef- 
forts to function as contributing parts of their surroundings. If s not easy. Many 
places have built perimeter fences not only to give a clearly defined sense of the 
campus, but to provide needed security. These fences, necessary as they surely 
are, can send out the wrong signal. Some neighbors see these as a deliberate ef- 
fort to keep them out. Class and race can add to the friction when they perceive 
the student body as a privileged class coming into their neighborhood from out 
of town or from the suburbs to get an education they could never even imagine 
for their own children. 

The town-gown friction comes from the other direction as well. Cam- 
puses in more affluent areas find their neighbors enjoy living next to a private 
park, cared for with private funding and virtually empty during the summer, 
but they don't like the fact that students and faculty actually use the property 
during the school year. They arrive in buses that make fumes and cars that need 
parking spaces; they cross streets, create litter, and, good heavens, make noise! 
Homeowners don't want students living across the street in residence halls and 
oppose expanding them. At the same time, they don't want students taking 
apartments in nearby buildings, but landlords love the rent money. And junk- 
food emporiums make a fortune from catering to students' dietary habits. 

Involvement with the surrounding area is far more complex than mere- 
ly resolving zoning conflicts. It takes many forms and has become an impor- 
tant mission for just about every Jesuit institution. Parishes routinely provide 
a wide range of social services not only to their own members, but to anyone 
in need. Retreat houses sponsor programs for adult education and ecumenical 
dialogue. High schools and colleges now often require student involvement in 
community service like tutoring, coaching, visiting health care facilities, food- 
distribution sites, and the like. Universities and professional schools have been 
well positioned to place their resources at the service of the community at large. 
Think of the work of schools of medicine, nursing, and law as well as schools 
of education, business, and social service, whose very nature demands interac- 

V 



tion with the world beyond the campus. Even novices and Jesuit students, who 
not too long ago were sequestered in castles on lofty hilltops in the middle of 
enchanted forests and surrounded by moats filled with rented alligators, now 
spend a good deal of time in ministries beyond the drawbridge. 

Interaction demands two-way traffic. Jesuits go out, and the local com- 
munity comes in. Jesuit institutions of all kinds bring their neighbors into their 
institutions by sponsoring lectures, adult-education programs, concerts, recit- 
als, plays, art exhibits, and poetry readings. Even sports events can attract di- 
verse people in the area for a few hours of enjoyment together. Somehow the 
spirit of competition with rivals can have a unifying effect on a community. 
No wonder American Jesuits have traditionally plopped their parishes, high 
schools, colleges, and universities in the middle of the cities rather than out in 
the wilderness. As is often the case, when we feel proudest of our innovations, 
we discover that we have really just gone back to our roots. We need an urban 
environment and interaction with the city if we are going to do our job. 

Mutual interchange between the Jesuit school and its surroundings, then, 
is not something that developed ''in the wake of Vatican II," as the cliche would 
have it. In this issue of Studies, Luce Giard presents evidence from an astonish- 
ing number of sources to document the relationship between the schools and 
the cities in the earliest period of Jesuit education. Her essay was originally pre- 
sented at a conference entitled "From Spirit to Structure: The Constitutions and 
the Formation of Jesuit Culture." It was held in October 2006 at the Pontifical 
Gregorian University under the auspices of the Institutum Historicum Societa- 
tis lesu, under the title "Les colleges comme lieux de production, de circulation 
et d' animation du savoir et du croire." 

Although the monograph is to be published in the proceedings of the 
conference and will be available to scholars in its original form, John O'Malley, 
a former member and continuing friend of the Jesuit Seminar, felt that it would 
be of interest to American Jesuits and suggested making it available to Studies. 
Professor Giard agreed. Tom McCoog, editor of the Archivum Historicum Soci- 
etatis lesu and organizer of the conference, graciously gave us permission to go 
ahead with the project. Brian Van Hove provided the initial translation, which 
the Seminar discussed in its meeting in April 2007. John checked over the text at 
various stages of its production. Professor Giard reviewed the final translation 
in its entirety. The essay that follows is in every sense a group effort, beginning 
with a highly skilled and dedicated lay companion and moving forward with 
the involvement of the entire Seminar and other Jesuits from both sides of the 
Atlantic. It's a fine example of collaboration at its most productive. 

Our hope is that this issue of Studies will offer some context and guid- 
ance to Jesuits in the United States and elsewhere as we continue reevaluating 
our ministries. During this process of restructuring, we can fall into the trap of 
thinking in terms of a facile yet false dichotomy between social ministries and 



VI 



education, or to put it crassly, between soup kitchens and ivory towers. As Pro- 
fessor Giard demonstrates so ably, that dichotomy did not exist in the early So- 
ciety. We might conclude then that it need not exist today, and won't, if only we 
have the patience and imagination to view our ministry as a totality, rather than 
a collection of competing organizations. Many thanks to all who brought this 
extraordinary work of scholarship to an American readership. 



vn 



CONTENTS 



Introduction: The Origins 1 

Selecting Sites for the Colleges 3 

I. Centers of Learning 7 

A Network of Letters 8 

Exchanges with Leading Scholars 10 

Involvement in the Cities 13 

II. Centers for the Arts 16 

The Arts and Public Performance 18 

Symbolic Arts and Liturgy 21 

III. Centers of Spirituality 24 

Domestic Missions 28 

A Concluding Comment 30 



IX 



Luce Giard completed her graduate work in history and the philoso- 
phy of science at the University of Paris-Sorbonne in 1968. Until 
assuming emerita status in 2004, she was a research fellow at the 
Centre de la Recherche Scientifique in Paris, serving for part of that 
time as vice-chair of the Laboratoire d'Histoire des Sciences. From 
1990 to 2006 she also held the position of visiting professor during 
the winter quarter at the University of California, San Diego. In ad- 
dition to publications in medieval and renaissance intellectual histo- 
ry. Professor Giard has edited twelve volumes of the works of Michel 
de Certeau, S.J., who died in 1986. She continues to live in Paris. 

Brian Van Hove, S.]., completed his doctorate in church history 
at the Catholic University of America, where he wrote his disserta- 
tion, "The Life and Career ofFrangois Annat, S.J.: The Failure of His 
Anti-Jansenism, May 1641-October 1668." He is currently on the 
staff of the White House Retreat Center in St. Louis.. 



The Jesuit College 

A Center for Knowledge, Art, and Faith 

1548-1773 



From its earliest days, the Jesuit college reached far beyond 
its primary commitment to its own students and exercised 
an influence on both the surrounding community and on 
the academic world as a whole. Its international character 
and networks of communication placed the Society of Je- 
sus in a privileged position to facilitate many forms of cul- 
tural exchange. 



Introduction: The Origins 

We know that, without really setting out to do it, the Society 
of Jesus became involved in teaching early on in its life. Be- 
fore long its commitment to this chance involvement blos- 
somed into a large number of colleges. Despite the hesitation of some of 
its members, the Society put a good part of its manpower into this par- 
ticular challenge. Opening a college brought with it social legitimacy 
since the local powers who had requested it (bishops, princes, munici- 
pal authorities, wealthy benefactors) also provided financial support for 
the projects. Moreover, the central administration of the Society soon 
became aware that teaching for "the good of souls'' and for the benefits 
of a Catholic education created a ''garden of vocations" of candidates 
who might themselves enter the Order. ^ In fact, along with teaching, 

^Concerning the setting up of this new activity and its consequences for 
the Society, see John W. O'Malley, The First Jesuits. Cambridge, Massachusetts: 
Harvard University Press, 1993; chapter 6 "The Schools," p. 200-242. On its ori- 
gins see Luce Giard, "Au premier temps de la Compagnie de Jesus: du projet ini- 

1 



2 * Luce Giard 

a college assured a variety of other apostolic activities in the city and 
its environs. Surely situations differed according to place, political re- 
gime and local conflicts, all of which determined the colleges' size, staff- 
ing and available financial resources. There was not always and every- 
where either the will or the energy needed to fulfill every apostolate, 
but the examples we have studied here prove that colleges provided a 
wide range of roles for the Jesuits who were assigned to them. The most 
experienced of them, and perhaps the most creative or adventurous, be- 
came involved in tasks in the larger world using the college as a base of 
operations. 

In what is to follow, using examples borrowed from sixteenth and 
seventeenth century Western Europe, I will show how and why colleg- 
es assumed three great purposes besides teaching itself. Gradually these 
institutions passed in scale from the local to the regional to the interna- 
tional. In the first place, the college will be seen as a place of knowledge, 
a center of intellectual productivity and learned exchange. Next it will 
be described as a place where the public image of the Society was estab- 
lished, thanks to the implementation of an artistic curriculum that ex- 
alted a post-Tridentine version of the Christian tradition. Finally it will 
be considered as a place of living faith that inspired ''Marian Congre- 
gations'' (Sodalities of Our Lady) and both urban and rural missions. 
Preachers and writers of theological and spiritual works also clustered 
here. In the present study I make no reference to the Collegio Romano, 
since that was an exceptional case with a particular role to play as the 
experimental teaching center and model of excellence of the Society for 
the sake of cardinals and the ambassadors of the Catholic nations sta- 
tioned in Rome. Likewise I will make no mention of any other founda- 
tions in the papal capital as these were still too close to the Collegio Ro- 
mano and to the central headquarters of the Society. 

By way of introduction we should underscore that a college is a 
"showcase of urban culture," as Stephane Van Damme pointed out in 
reference to Lyons in France.^ If we look at the geographical distribution 
of the colleges in Europe, we note that often the important cities were ] 



tial a I'entree dans Tenseignement" in Etienne Ganty et al., (eds.). Tradition je- 
suite. Enseignement, spiritualite, mission. Namur: Presses universitaires de Namur; 
and Brussels: Editions Lessius, 2002, p. 11-45. 

^Stephane Van Damme, Le Temple de la Sagesse. Savoirs, ecriture et sociabilite 
urhaine (Lyon, XVIIe-XVIIIe siecle). Paris: Editions de I'Ecole des hautes etudes en 
sciences sociales, 2005. 



The Jesuit College ^^ 



chosen.^ When smaller venues were selected, it was sometimes just a 
temporary arrangement or acquiescence to the request of a bishop, car- 
dinal or friendly prince. Sometimes the location of a college was cho- 
sen to strengthen the struggle against the Reformation in a border area. 
Moreover, many proposed projects were turned down for lack of Jesuit 
manpower. Thus Juan Alfonso de Polanco (1517-1576), secretary to the 
first three Fathers General of the Society,^ indicated in a circular letter to 
the members of the order (Spanish text, April 21-26, 1559) that they had 
just denied more than forty requests in Italy, accepting only that of Par- 
ma, which came from Cardinal Alessandro Farnese.^ 

Selecting Sites for the Colleges 

To understand the rationale behind founding the colleges, we must 
remember that the early Society developed in three kinds of social and 
theological-political climates. The first of these climates was in the states 
that had Catholic monarchs, those kingdoms where religious troubles 
were contained by the force of political power and where there was fideli- 
ty to Rome (more or less freely given). The second was in the states where 
the Reformed churches had already taken hold but in which the Society 
looked for ways to strengthen Catholic islets for some future Reconquista. 
The third was in mission lands outside Europe where Christian Revela- 
tion remained unknown until the newly conquering European empires 
subdued them. By recognizing these three climates, we find a partial ex- 
planation for the Society's chosing the locations it did for the opening of 
its colleges. The choices responded to the differences in political contexts 
and apostolic needs. This also explains the variety of efforts to make con- 
tact with these diverse social groupings. 



3 For the importance given to getting established in the city and to the 
choice of sites in urban areas, see Thomas M. Lucas, Landmarking: City, Church 
and Jesuit Urban Strategy. Chicago: Loyola Press, 1997. 

4 A fine portrait of Polanco has been drawn by Mario Scaduto, L'Epoca 
di Girolamo Lainez. II governo (1556-1565). Rome, La Civilta cattolica, 1964, p. 
180-188. 

5 Polanco, Complementa, vol. I. Madrid, 1916. Rome (reprint): Monumenta 
Historica Societatis lesu, 1969; Letter 67, p. 203. A lengthy Spanish-language let- 
ter by Polanco, sent to all the Jesuits on November 27, 1560, reiterates the events 
of recent months concerning the refusal to open numerous colleges that have 
been requested by municipalities or princes in Italy, Germany, or elsewhere, due 
to lack of manpower for the job. The hopes of the concluding paragraph ended 
with a wish in Latin: "Mittat Dominus messis operarios." Ibid., Letter 70, p. 229. 



4 * Luce Giard 

Such a retrospective view of this development leaves us with con- 
tradictory impressions. As some have often noted, there was no central- 
ized strategic planning to govern the importance and proliferation of 
the colleges.^ Toward the end of the generalate of Everard Mercurian 
in 1579, there were 5,165 Jesuits in ten houses of the professed, 33 oth- 
er residences, 12 novitiates, and 144 colleges/ The priority given to the 
opening of colleges is indisputable, and this emphasis continued to the 
time of Claudio Aquaviva, who became Superior General in February 
1581, at which time he redirected the orientation of the Society toward 
missionary work in and outside Europe.^ In fact, from the time of St. Ig- 
natius up to the end of the sixteenth century, a disordered, unrealistic 
activity seems to have prevailed. It was a period of strange and even 
reckless growth, which consisted of impoverishment alongside expan- 
sion; of a chaotic boom characterized by hasty openings and closings; 
of ever-threatening debts; of an uncoordinated deployment of insuffi- 
cient numbers of qualified Jesuits to satisfy the crying need for teachers; 
of repeated pleas by rectors asking for help; of discouraged and inex- 
perienced young men leaving the Society (or being dismissed by their 
superiors) because they were burnt out by excessively heavy teaching 
assignments. But during this same period, because of the perspicacity 
and tenacity of those who had worked so hard to bring it about, they 
were able to agree upon a pedagogical approach. This work led to any 
number of projects and evaluations based on the concrete experiences 
that the Companions shared among themselves, among province visi- 
tors sent from Rome and the central government for purposes of reach- 
ing the definitive version of the Ratio Studiorum published in 1599, to 
replace several earlier texts.^ But if there were no unified strategy to me- 
thodically determine the opening of colleges, there certainly was in the 

^See for example Marc Venard, "Y a-t-il une strategie scolaire des Jesuites 
en France au XVIe siecle?" in L'Universite de Pont-a-Mousson et les problemes de son 
temps. Nancy: Universite de Nancy, 1974; p. 67-85. 

^See Mario Fois, "Everard Mercurian," in Thomas M. McCoog, ed.. The 
Mercurian Project: Forming Jesuit Culture, 1573-1580. Rome: Institutum Histori- 
cum Societatis lesu; and Saint Louis, Missouri: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2004, 
p. 25. 

^ I will return to this point later when I deal with the third function of the 
colleges as places for the increase of faith. 

9 See the fine edition produced by Ladislaus Lukacs, Monumenta Paeda- 
gogica Societatis lesu. Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1965-1992, 7 
vols. The three early versions of the Ratio Studiorum are found in volume 5, pub- 
lished in 1986. 



The Jesuit College ^ 



provinces an urban strategy to seize opportunities or to create them.^° 
We need only recall the tireless activity of Peter Canisius in the German 
lands; Canisius was always ready to establish the Jesuits in centers of 
power and influence." 

It would be false to think that chance ruled entirely in these mat- 
ters. Although choices depended upon circumstance, the locations for 
colleges and the collateral activities that were developed along with 
teaching, were not chosen randomly. Among the authorities there was 
a clear awareness of the importance of colleges to establish the public 
image of the Society of Jesus. There was an equally clear will to make 
choices oriented toward achieving the goals set out from the founding 
of the Society. The controlling documents, those from the central author- 
ity in Rome as well as the letters exchanged among the members of the 
Society, testify to a sustained reflection about this. Thus when the Con- 
stitutions (Part VII) deals with the distribution of the members of the 
Society ''in the vineyard of the Lord,'' two long paragraphs of Declara- 
tions (622-633) list the criteria to be taken into account. First and fore- 
most are "persons of high rank who have public offices"; then "great 
nations"; then "important cities."^^ In his "ex commissione" (mandated 
by the General) letter in Spanish of December 1, 1551, Juan de Polanco 
detailed in his usual methodical manner to Antonio de Araoz the use- 
fulness of urban locations first of all for "Ours" (it concerns the forma- 
tion of scholastics), then for extern students and finally for the general 
population of the town and its environs. ^^ Thanks to the college, fathers 
of families saw their sons instructed and well educated in the faith. Stu- 



^° For the Kingdom of Naples, see the remarks of Cosimo Damiano Fonseca: 
"Collegio e citta: progetto culturale e scelte strategiche," and of Bruno Pellegrino: 
"I collegi gesuitici et la strategia della Compagnia nel Regno di Napoli tra 1500 et 
1600" in Filippo lappelli and Ulderico Parente, eds.: "Alle origini dell'Universita 
dell'Aquila. Cultura, Universita, Collegi gesuitici all'inizio dell'eta moderna in 
Italia meridionale." Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 2000, esp. p. 
91-106 and p. 107-126. 

" Thomas M. Lucas, Petrus Canisius: Jesuit Urban Strategist in Rainer Berndt, 
ed., Petrus Canisius SJ (1521-1597): Humanist und Europaer. Berlin: Akademie Ver- 
lag, 2000, p. 275-291. 

"The Latin text is in Ignatius Loyola, Constitutiones Societatis lesu, vol. 3. 
Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1938, p. 203-204. French translation 
of Ignatius Loyola by Maurice Giuliani, ed., in Ecrits. Paris: Desclee De Brouwer, 
1991, p. 548-549. 

'3 See Ignatius Loyola, Epistolae et Instructiones, vol. 4. Madrid: 1906; and 
Rome (reprint): Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1964, Epistola 2226, p. 5-9. 



6 ^ Luce Giard 

dents, in turn, educated their parents and families by encouraging thera 
to deepen their knowledge of the faith. Later, when the former students 
began to have their own responsibilities in the town or local region, they 
served the common good more effectively. In addition, the Jesuit teach- 
ers at the college were likely to preach, dispense the sacraments, and 
foster pious or charitable works. The college was thus described as a 
center of education in the faith that went beyond the city limits. 

Still more revealing is a long memorandum from Polanco (Span- 
ish text, December 8, 1564) to an unknown recipient. ^^ In this detailed 
description of the past and present state of the Society, he explained 
forcefully that the colleges have both a defensive role ''to resist pressure 
from the heretics'' and an offensive role to attack ignorance and the lax- 
ity of the clergy whose bad conduct had opened the way for the enemies 
of Rome. This conviction must have inspired his statements in which he 
bluntly dismissed the complaints of those who were overwhelmed and 
disappointed by the task of teaching. In another "ex commissione" let- 
ter to the Superiors (Italian text, August 10, 1560), he confirmed that "all 
must carry a part of the weight of the schools" even if they might take 
into account the talent and the attraction some Jesuits might have for 
other ministries, and even if these companions could give only part of 
their time to the work.^^ In the seventeenth century in France a request 
for a college generated a rigorous examination by the provincial and 
his consulters. Their written reports sent to Rome "bring out the im- 
portance attached to the quality of the city, the interest in the clientele 
attending religious rites, attention to climate and economic conditions, 
and especially to security." This last item was non-negotiable. Estab- 
lishments were outright rejected in 'unprotected cities' and also in the 
smaller cities where studies and professors might not flourish." ^^ 

These preliminary considerations are presented to clarify the situ- 
ation of the college and the intentions of the Society on this subject. Now 
let us turn to a brief analysis of the three principal functions which the 
colleges assumed separate from teaching. 



'^Polanco, Complementa, vol. 1, Epistola 114, p. 498-526; regarding colleg- 
es, p. 521-524. 

^^Monumenta Paedagogica, vol. 3, 1974, Monumentum 209, p. 305-306. 

'^ Francois de Dainville, U education des jesuites (XVIe-XVIIIe siecles), Ma- 
rie-Madeleine Compere, ed. Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1978, p. 153-154. The ex- 
amples mentioned in this chapter entitled "Le college et la cite" have to do with 
France. 



The Jesuit College ^ 7 



I. Centers of Learning 

The first function of the college in the city was to become a cen- 
ter of learning. Within its walls men of culture and a collection 
of varied resources were gathered. Every college had its library, 
whose extent depended on its endowment. In the seventeenth century, 
college often included an astronomy observatory^^ and a museum for 
curiosities such as medals, antiques, minerals, and specimens of flora 
and fauna. Sometimes there was a special room for physics with vari- 
ous mechanical devices, machines, supplies and instruments.^^ Often 
there was a pharmacy that stored and prepared medicines. At times the 
college pharmacy was used for commercial purposes.^^ These kinds of 
resources at the disposition of the teaching faculty allowed the most ad- 
vanced students to nourish their intellectual curiosity. It is obvious that 
the composition and the richness of the book collections, of devices and 
artifacts, varied from one college to another. ^° But their very presence 
and their accessibility to the local social elite, and the tradition of wel- 



'^Thus Athanasius Kircher (1601-1680), residing in the college in Avignon 
(France) between 1631 and 1633, where he taught Mathematics, set up a small 
observatory in the Tower de la Motte. There by a trick of mirrors he decorated 
the staircase with projections which permitted the reading of the astronomical 
hours, the position of the planets, the sign of the Zodiac where the sun is to be 
located, etc. All these things are described in his work on the gnomonics [the 
art of drawing sundials] (Primitiae gnomonicae catoptricae. . . , Avignon, 1635). 
See also Joseph Girard, "Avignon" in Pierre Delattre, ed., Les etablissements je- 
suites en France depuis quatre siecles. Enghien: Institut superieur de theologie, vol. 
3, 1947, col. 467. On the multiplication of observatories after 1600, see Agustin 
Udias, Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit Observatories. Dor- 
drecht-Boston: Kluwer, 2003. 

'^ When the Jesuits were forced by the Parlement of Paris to leave the col- 
lege in Lyons in April 1762, the catalogue given for the observatory, dated Jan- 
uary 1764, lists astronomical instruments, an incomplete pneumatic machine, 
clocks, life-like animals, etc. See Stephane Van Damme, op. cit., p. 392-393. 

'^Stephane Van Damme, op. cit., p. 164-166, notes that the college in Lyons 
possessed in the 17th century "the most important collection of medical books 
in the entire city" (p. 164). 

^° As a case in point, for the library of the college in Lyons, see Yves Joc- 
teur-Montrozier, Des jesuites et de la bibliotheque municipale de Lyon" in 
Etienne Fouilloux and Bernard Hours, eds., Les jesuites a Lyon XVIe-XXe siecle. 
Lyons: ENS Editions, 2005, p. 95-104. The continuation of the article (p. 105-109) 
leads us to the final fate of this collection. The memorandum of appraisal drawn 
up in April 1762 by the connoisseur Pierre Adamoli showed that the library of 



8 ^ Luce Giard 

coming high ranking visitors on occasion contributed to creating a posi- 
tive image for learning and the sciences in the local society. At the same 
time this concentration of resources elevated the status of the college and 
the prestige of its teachers. In 1646 the young prince and future Charles 
II of England, while visiting the college in Liege, Belgium, admired the 
clocks of Francis Line and his great sundial constructed behind the col- 
lege.^^ In 1657 Queen Christina of Sweden visited the College of the 
Trinity in Lyons. There in her presence the young Claude-Frangois Me- 
nestrier (1631-1705) undertook a memory test of three hundred bizarre 
and meaningless words. He passed the test successfully by reading the 
list once and then reciting it perfectly both backwards and forwards.^^ 

A Network of Letters 

The teachers of the college were able to acquire information from 
outside sources, thanks to the system of letter writing established by the 
Society From its origins, in order to keep unity among the members de- 
spite the deliberate dispersion of Jesuits across the world and their mo- 
bility, the central government mandated a tight network of both hori- 
zontal and vertical correspondence. It functioned according to a regular 
rhythm to prescribed rules at first often detailed but then finally at cod- 
ified intervals. The Constitutions explain this in Part VIII which deals 
with the means to foster internal unity. ^^ Here again Juan de Polanco 
played a decisive role by introducing and implementing the desired ex- 
change of letters insisted upon by Ignatius and continued by his suc- 
cessors.^^ A two-way exchange of letters, flowing back and forth, unit- 



the college at this time held 42 thousand volumes. This information came from 
the testimony of Father Xavier Tolomas, the last Jesuit in charge of the library. 

"Having become king twenty years later, Charles II had Line construct a 
similar sundial in the gardens of Whitehall Palace in London. See Conor Reilly, 
Francis Line S.J.: an Exiled English Scientist, 1595-1675. Rome: Institutum Histori- 
cum Societatis lesu, 1969, p. 35-36 and 98-102. 

" Auguste Demoment, "Lyon," in Pierre Delattre, eds., op. cit., vol. 9, 1953, 
col. 1544. 

^3 The Latin text in Ignatius Loyola, Constitutiones, vol. 3, p. 224-226. French 
translation in Ignace de Loyola, Ecrits, Declarations 673-676, p. 565-566. 

^'^ Shortly after being made Secretary of the Society by St. Ignatius, Polanco 
wrote two long "ex commissione" letters on this subject to the entire member- 
ship (Spanish text, July 27, 1547). The first letter argues with twenty good rea- 
sons why each Jesuit should understand the importance of this regular exchange 
of letters and that each do so with good will, regularity, and care. The second 
letter explains the rules to follow for dealing in the best way with this writing. 



The Jesuit College ^ 



ed the entire Society. It was supplemented by horizontal and regional 
exchanges. The whole system brought about the circulation of detailed 
information concerning local situations and public or private events af- 
fecting the Jesuits between the center and the periphery, among prov- 
inces and within a single province.^^ The editing of accounts of activities 
and of critical reports involving the competent authorities at different 
levels of the organization was added to this store of correspondence at 
regular intervals. All this communication promoted a series of evalua- 
tions, the revision of previous directives and the exchange of news and 
decisions, to which the abundant archives attest, much to the delight of 
historians.^^ 

The abundant correspondence, a great part of which has to do pri- 
marily with the tasks of governance and financial administration, also 
offered the Jesuits of the college the benefit of an international and re- 
gional window into the news of the day and to the situation of the So- 
ciety in the contemporary world. Without the need to travel physically, 
they could travel mentally, thanks to the letters and written materials 
coming from other locales and other Jesuits outside their own commu- 
nity. News from the "Grand Colleges" and from residences established 
in capital cities brought a certain familiarity with debates that were stir- 
ring in educated Europe and in rival churches. The overseas world was 
known to the Jesuits at home through their brothers who had left for 
faraway lands but who stayed in touch with their former superiors and 
classmates. A Jesuit returning from a distant mission often took up tem- 
porary residence in one of the colleges, and his first hand accounts of the 
work overseas made a great impression on his listeners. To cite one in- 



successfully, precisely, and with discernment in sensitive matters. Latin text in 
Ignatius Loyola, Epistolae et Instructiones, vol. 1, 1903 and 1964 (reprint), Episto- 
la 179, p. 536-541; and Epistola 180, p. 542-549. French translation in Ecrits, p. 
707-716. 

^5 See Luce Giard, "L'usage jesuite de la correspondance," in Antonella Ro- 
mano, ed., Rome et la science moderne (XVIe-XVIIIe siecle). Rome: Ecole frangaise 
de Rome, 2008. 

^^On the hierarchy of offices (whose holders, each at his own level, have 
to keep this tide of letters and reports going), see Adrien Demoustier, "La dis- 
tinction des fonctions et I'exercice du pouvoir selon les regies de la Compagnie 
de Jesus" in Luce Giard, ed., Les jesuites a la Renaisance. Systeme educatif et produc- 
tion du savoir. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1995, p. 3-33. On the kinds 
of archives kept in Rome, see the enlightening study by Antonella Romano, La 
Contre-Reforme mathematique. Constitution et diffusion d'une culture mathematique 
jesuite a la Renaissance. Rome: ficole frangaise de Rome, 1999, p. 10-27. 



10 ^ Luce Giard 

stance, the geographer Martino Martini (1614-1661), returned to Rome 
from China to defend the case for the "Chinese Rites'' and spent the 
spring of 1654 at the college in Brussels. There he completed his great 
atlas and negotiated with the printers. Moretus in Antwerp refused to 
publish his work due to prohibitive costs. Thus the superb Novus At- 
las Sinensis, assembled from Chinese sources, a landmark in the history 
of European cartography, was eventually published in Amsterdam by 
Blaeu (Willem Janszoon Blaeu/Joan Blae). After his visit, a number of 
young Jesuits from the city requested to be sent to China.^^ 

In the absence of such visitors, one could turn to Letters and Rela- 
tions of missionary Jesuits. Before long these missives were circulated 
in the form of translated manuscript excerpts. Later they appeared in 
printed form. Through these communiques even the smallest of the col- 
leges had access to descriptions of lands outside of Europe, of their flo- 
ra and fauna, and of their native peoples, their languages and customs. 
Part of the bountiful information received from within the Society was 
regularly sorted through and reissued through different oral and writ- 
ten channels in a form suitable for wider distribution to those outside 
the Society. These channels of communication included private letters 
and public sermons, conversations and the minutes from gatherings of 
local scholars and printed collections which were sometimes illustrat- 
ed. All of this fed the curiosity of contemporaries and gave them a posi- 
tive image of the activities of the Society in various places. In addition, 
it provided the occasion for the Society to appeal to their generosity for 
support of the enterprise. Thus the international character of the Society 
and its universal vocation also reduced the provincialism and the insu- 
larity of the "petits colleges." By circulating the descriptions, narratives 
and news gathered by means of the internal Jesuit network to those out- 
side the Society, Jesuits opened the college to the city. In turn the city (or 
at least the urban associates of the Jesuits) was opened to the outside 
world. 

Exchanges with Leading Scholars 

Through this practice of extensive letter writing, the mathemati- 
cians, astronomers and physicists of the colleges were able to partici- 
pate at a distance in the works of other institutions of learning. Some 

^7 Noel Golvers, "Martino Martini, his stay in the S.J. College of Brussels 
(1654) and the production of his Novus Atlas Sinensis," presentation at the con- 
ference Quatre siecles de presence jesuite a Bruxelles (Brussels, November 22-25, 
2006). Proceedings of the Conference to be published. 



The Jesuit College ^\^ 11 



of them formed relations with the great minds of the ''Republic of Let- 
ters'' and, with more or less relevance, contributed to the theoretical de- 
bates of the times. ^^ From Lyons after 1682, from Avignon after 1684 and 
from still other places, Jesuits sent memoranda regarding their regular- 
ly carried out astronomical observations to the "Academie royale des 
sciences" in Paris.^^ From Liege, Francis Line wrote to the Royal Soci- 
ety of London and persisted in his opposition to Newton on the theory 
of colors.^° He was not the only Jesuit in contact with this institution.^^ 
Ignace Pardies also corresponded with the Royal Society from the col- 
leges of La Rochelle, Bordeaux and finally, consistent with his progres- 
sion toward more larger and more prestigious institutions, Paris where 
he taught mathematics. He also published in the Journal des sqavans, 
founded in 1665. In Paris he frequented the milieu of the academies and 

was in some cases read by Christian Huygens(1629-1695) and Leibniz 
(1646-1716).32 

At Ingolstadt in Germany in 1611, Christoph Scheiner (1575-1650) 
discovered "sun spots" independently of Galileo. His results were pub- 
lished the following year in Augsburg under the pseudonym " Apelles" 
by his friend Marcus Welser.^^ These works were continued by Charles 
Malapert from Mons in Belgium. Malapert held the chair of Mathemat- 
ics in Douai in the Gallo-Belgian Province, in present day France. He 
completed his book in 1626, but authorities in Rome delayed publica- 
tion until 1633. Perhaps they did not wish to offend Scheiner, whose 

^^On the participation of Jesuits in the scientific debates of the seventeenth 
century, see Peter Dear, DiscipUne and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Sci- 
entific Revolution. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1995, p. 
32-85 and 170-178, etc. 

"^Stephane Van Damme, op. cit., p. 390-394. 

3° Conor Reilly, op. cit., p. 115-130. 

3' See the concise listing by Conor Reilly: "A catalogue of Jesuitica in the 
Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (1665-1715)" in Archi- 
vum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1958, 27, p. 339-362. 

3' August Ziggelaar, Le physicien Ignace Gaston Pardies S.J. (1636-1673). 
Odense, [Denmark]: Odense University Press, 1971. 

33 For an introduction to his career, see Franz Daxecker, The Physicist and 
Astronomer Christopher Scheiner: Biography, Letters, Works. Innsbruck: Universi- 
ty of Innsbruck, 2004. On the matter of "sun spots" and the debate which en- 
sued concerning the incorruptibility of the heavens, see Edward Grant, Planets, 
Stars, and Orbs: The Medieval Cosmos, 1200-1687. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- 
sity Press, 1994, p. 210-211 and 454-458. Also Peter Dear, op. cit., p. 100-107 and 
111-115. 



12 ^ Luce Giard 

volume of observations {Rosa Ursina, Rome, 1630) took the honor of first 
publication.^^ The college of Naples in Italy around 1630 had some excel- 
lent equipment thanks to the mathematician Giovanni Giacomo Stase- 
rio (1565-1635) and his ties with Francesco Fontana, a renowned maker 
of optical instruments. So precise were the observations executed dur- 
ing the 1640s that their quality was praised by such notables as Kircher 
and Pierre Gassendi. (1592-1655). These same observations were also 
used by the astronomer Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598-1671) in his am- 
bitious 1651 work Almagestum novum astronomicum.^^ 

Other Jesuits who were engaged in the teaching of the sciences 
also corresponded with their distinguished contemporaries. Such was 
the case with Gregoire de Saint Vincent (1584-1657), who, from Ghent in 
Belgium, contacted Huygens.^^ Johann Baptista Cysat (1587-1657) suc- 
ceeded Scheiner in 1618 as the chair of mathematics and Astronomy at 
Ingolstadt. Cysat corresponded with the Lutheran scientist Johannes Ke- 
pler (1571-1630), as did Johann Reinhard Ziegler (1569-1636) between 
1606 and 1609.^^ Two Jesuits in particular were united by friendship 
with Kepler. One of them was Albertius Curtius (or Curtz, 1600-1671) 
who was a teacher at Dillingen in Germany. The other was Paul Guldin 
(1577-1643) from Graz and Vienna in Austria. Both Jesuits supported 



34 Francois De Vriendt, "Le Pere Charles Malapert s.j. (1581-1630), un sa- 
vant montois au temps de I'apogee des jesuites," in Jacques Lory et al., eds., Les 
Jesuites a Mons 1584-1598-1998. Liber memorialis. Mons: Association royale des 
anciens eleves du college Saint-Stanislas, 1999, p. 107-135, esp. p. 133. 

35 Romano Gatto, Tra scienza e immaginazione. Le matematiche presso il colle- 
gio gesuitico napoletano (1552-1670 ca.). Florence: L.S. Olschki, 1994, p. 150-153. 
On Riccioli see the following: Edward Grant, op. cit.; Peter Dear, op. cit.; and Ma- 
ria Teresa Borgato, eds., Giambattista Riccioli e il merito scientifico dei gesuiti neU'eta 
barocco. Florence: L.S. Olschki, 2002. 

3^ This correspondence lasted from 1651 to 1665. The young Huygens was 
one of the first to find Gregoire de Saint- Vincent's mistake in the Jesuit's efforts 
to resolve the problem of the quadrature of the circle in Book X of his Opus geo- 
metricum. Antwerp: 1647. See Omer Van de Vyver, "L'ecole de mathematiques 
de la province flandro-belge," in Archivum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1980, 49, p. 
265-278, esp. p. 266-267 and 272-273. 

37 Ziegler edited the publication of the Opera mathematica of Christoph 
Clavius (1538-1612) in Mainz: 1611-1612, 5 vols. After being rector of the col- 
lege in Mainz in 1609, in spite of his interest in mathematics he had a career as 
confessor to princes and served as a diplomat during the Thirty Years War. See 
Robert Bireley, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts, and Confessors. 
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 89-90 and 105 and 110-114 and 
161 and 179-180. 



The Jesuit College ^ 13 



Kepler financially when he was in difficult circumstances. They loaned 
him books, gave him lodging and corresponded with him at length. Per- 
haps they hoped to bring him back to Catholicism.^^ From Wiirzburg 
in Germany Kaspar Schott (1607-1666) maintained a whole network of 
correspondence in Germany and Central Europe on the theory of ma- 
chines and mathematics. In his books he deliberately played the role of 
critic and publicist for 'The New Physics. ''^^ 

Involvement in the Cities 

Still other Jesuits were recruited to resolve practical urban prob- 
lems. In Ferrara, Italy, in 1604-1610 the city authorities consulted Agos- 
tino Spernazzati (ca. 1555-1613) for purposes of stabilizing the flow of 
the lower Po River. Such collaboration was flattering for the Society, but 
by involving themselves in urban development, the Jesuits began to en- 
croach upon the interests of certain city dwellers. They were in positions 
to irritate powerful people, a situation that put them in some political 
danger. This danger explains how twenty years later in 1624 the Supe- 
rior General did not permit Niccolo Cabeo (1586-1650), himself a native 
of Ferrara and who lived in the college of that city between 1622 and 
1623, to provide advice for updating the Po projects, even though the 
authorities had asked his advice.^° 

Thanks to its faculties, the college became a storehouse of authors 
and a center of learning. The Society quickly recognized the major im- 
portance of the print media in the diffusion of ideas and the formation 
of opinion. The Society developed what one might understand as a true 
"politics of the book,'' as the numerous bibliographical entries of Carlos 
Sommervogel clearly demonstrate.^^ In this context the function of the 



3^ Max Caspar, Kepler, revised ed., tr. CD. Hellman. New York: Dover, 
1993, p. 80 (on Christoph Grienberger at Graz); 226 (on the Jesuits from the col- 
lege at Linz); 252 (on the Jesuits from Ingolstadt); 317 (on Guldin); 327 and 331 
(on Curtius in DilUngen); p. 334-338 (on Curtius and Guldin). I have not been 
able to consult M. W. Burke-Gaffney, Kepler and the Jesuits. Milwaukee: 1944. 

39 Marcus Hellyer, Catholic Physics: Jesuit Natural Philosophy in Early Mod- 
ern Germany. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004, p. 44 
and 48-49 and 115 and 123-124 and 138-158. 

4°Alessandra Fiocca, "Ferrara e i gesuiti periti in materia d'acque," in 
Gian Paolo Brizzi and Roberto Greci, eds., Gesuiti e universita in Europa (secoli 
XVI-XVIII). Bologna: Clueb, 2002, p. 339-359, esp. 339-345. 

■^^ Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliotheque de la Compagnie de Jesus. Brussels: 
1890-1930, 12 volumes. 



14 ^ Luce Giard 

scriptor was created with the goal that certain Jesuits, freed for a time 
from other duties, could devote themselves to writing books. Every lit- 
erary genre profited from these privileged positions. We find examples 
of theologians, controversialists, and authors of spirituality as well as 
playwrights, historians, mathematicians and philosophers.^^ Stephane 
Van Damme remarked that in France those assigned to the apostolate of 
scriptor always resided in the ''grands colleges'' such as those in Paris, 
Bordeaux, Lyons and Toulouse.^^ It seems that it was the same for oth- 
er countries. We might suppose that in making these choices the Jesu- 
its considered the appropriate size of the college and city, as well as the 
existence of printing and publishing shops, bookstores and people of 
culture, who would provide the readership for the books in production. 
Furthermore, the authors in the colleges did not limit themselves to the 
subjects actually taught there. Their expansive scope of interest is con- 
firmed in the sciences (applied mathematics, military science, hydrau- 
lics, geology, medicine, etc.) and in the arts (genealogical works, history 
of royal families, local antiquities, town planning and local history, etc.). 
Thus Alexandre Wiltheim (1604-1684), rector of the college of Luxem- 
bourg from 1656 to 1659, began composing "the first archeological di- 
rectory of the area" in 1661. The work remained in manuscript form un- 
til published in the nineteenth century. It contained precise information 
about Roman inscriptions, careful drawings of monuments and a map 
of the sites he had visited. ^^ 

Obviously, the college generated the editing and publication of 
textbooks and workbooks for teaching purposes. These were often 
based on the course manuscripts of the teachers responsible for the par- 
ticular subject. They were sometimes published without any author's 
name beneath the seal of the Society. To these publications the college 
added countless topical compositions written to commemorate the sol- 
emn celebration of the important events of the school year. These events 



4= Thus the poet and playwright Jakob Balde (1604-1680) benefited from 
this status in Munich from 1648 to 1651: see Jean-Marie Valentin, Les jesuites et 
le theatre (1554-1680). Contribution a I'histoire culturelle du monde catholique dans le 
Saint-Empire romain germanique. Paris: Desjonqueres, 2001, p. 93. 

-^3 Stephane Van Damme, op. cit., p. 25-34. 

'^'^Lucilihurgensia sive Luxemburgum Romanum, Luxembourg, 1841, 2 vols., 
99 plates. See Josy Birsens, "Les recteurs et vice-recteurs du college jesuite de 
Luxembourg (1603-1773). Esquisses biographiques," in Josy Birsens, ed., Du 
college jesuite au college municipal 1603-1815. Luxembourg: Editions Saint-Paul, 
2003, vol. 1, p. 217-218. 



The Jesuit College ^ 15 



were accompanied by public ceremonies to which the Jesuits invited 
civil authorities, families of the students, benefactors and friends. The 
first college operated by the Society, in Messina, marked the opening of 
the school year (its instauratio) with a solemn gathering. Several profes- 
sors delivered speeches specially written to laud their respective disci- 
plines.^^ The same kind of celebration was organized for the founding 
of a chair in a new academic discipline. In October 1618 Charles Mala- 
pert, the first mathematics chairholder in Douai, delivered a discourse 
in praise of astronomy which summarized the latest findings.^^ On the 
occasion of a thesis defense, the college printed a sign with the name 
and titles of the sponsoring professor (who was often the author of the 
theses his student was required to defend), the name of the candidate, 
the title of the thesis and a summary of its contents. All of this informa- 
tion was placed on a page setting with complex decoration and a beauti- 
ful picture, or emblem, to decode.^^ Again, the annual awards ceremony 
for the best students in the college provided the occasion for delivering 
an elegant oration on some Christian virtue, a speech highlighted by al- 
lusions to classical authors, composed by a teacher and read by a bril- 
liant student. At times the college printed a brochure to accompany the 
event. For many years, all these feasts were conducted in Latin and pro- 
vided the opportunity to showcase the rhetorical cleverness and learn- 
ing of the faculty. They offered an opportunity to emphasize the talents 
of the best students in a show that was carefully orchestrated with ex- 
pressions of gratitude. The entire event was intended to elicit the pride 
of the parents and of course the admiration of the audience. 

In addition to their efforts to develop an adequate number of writ- 
ers and suitable outlets for their works, the early Jesuits were equally 



"^5 Gabriel Codina Mir, Aux sources de la pedagogic des Jesuites: le 'modus pa- 
risiensis.' Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1968, p. 328-329. The only 
surviving trace of these oral discourses is in the notices sent to Rome. 

"^^Oratio habita Duaci dum lectionem mathematicam auspicaretur. Douai, 
1620, 42 pages with woodcut illustrations. See Francois De Vriendt, op. cit., p. 
128-130. 

'^^Here are two examples. The thesis defense of Pierre Seve from the col- 
lege of Lyons, 1622. The sign is reproduced in Antonella Romano, op. cit., figure 
18, appendix of illustrations. The thesis defense of Hugo Adolph Heidelberger, 
University of Mainz, 1644. The sign is reproduced in Marcus Hellyer, op. cit., fig- 
ure 2, p. 63. In 1619 Gregoire de Saint- Vincent in the college of Antwerp where he 
taught mathematics had his students defend some theses on the comets. A beau- 
tiful comet had been seen in November 1618. The relevant texts have not been 
found. See Omer Van de Vyver, op. cit., p. 266. 



16 ^ Luce GiARD 

concerned with the "politics of the book/' The teachers had two issues. 
First, they were concerned for the readers and the degree of discretion 
they should exercise in acquiring books and in recommending them ac- 
cording to age, context and objectives of the readers. The second was 
the desire to help students read them profitably. To respond to these 
concerns the colleges drew up numerous essays on library science of 
which the prototype was the Bibliotheca selecta (Rome, 1593) by Anto- 
nio Possevino (1533-1611). This is to be regarded as a supplement to the 
Ratio studiorum. Three examples of this genre also appeared in France.*^ 
The first. Arcana studiorum omnium methodus, et bibliotheca scientia- 
rum (Lyons, 1649), proposes a method of study with a bibliography or- 
ganized according to subject matter by Alexandre Fichet (1588-1659), 
the renowned preacher who was named rector of the college of Nimes 
in 1633 The second, Systema bibliothecae Collegii parisiensis Societatis lesu 
(Paris, 1678) was prepared by Jean Garnier (1612-1681). It is a system- 
atic treatment of bibliography developed at the library of the college of 
Clermont in Paris. The third, Euphyander sen vir ingeniosus (Lyons, 1669) 
by Honore Fabri (1607-1688) provides advice to students. Fabri wrote it 
in Rome while 'Tn exile'' there. It consists of recollections from his time 
as professor in the College of the Trinity in Lyons between 1640 and 
1646. We could easily find other equivalents from other countries. 

II. Centers for the Arts 

The second function of the college was to provide a set of amaz- 
ingly elaborate and extensive programs in the arts. These en- 
deavors had a clear educational purpose. They were not to be 
considered accessories, or merely sources of entertainment, but were re- 
garded as parallel to the pursuit of knowledge, which was the primary 
objective of the college. The arts and performance entered into the life of 
the colleges very early. The arts programs were linked to the acquisition 
of knowledge. Their purpose was to illustrate and celebrate human ex- 
perience in its historical, social, cultural and religious dimensions. The 
colleges of the Society tried to balance the values of intellect and sensi- 
tivity, and provide an awareness of the need for action amid the diffi- 
culties of life in the real world. The college wished to prepare the stu- 
dents in order to deepen their understanding of human situations in 
their actuality. To this end they used the stage, with music or images. 



'^^See Stephane Van Damme, op. cit., p. 258-259. 



The Jesuit College ^ 17 



with scenes taken from Sacred Scripture and Greek tragedies, as well as 
from Roman history and ancient poetry. They also enlivened the texts 
they studied in this way. Likewise they used performance art to instill 
upright moral conduct and a taste for holiness. At the same time, the ar- 
tistic program engaged the love of the created world and the experience 
of beauty for the purpose of drawing near to God the Creator. This di- 
vine orientation echoed the Ignatian aspiration to encompass all human 
activity with an impassioned interest in contemporary life and a strong 
will to reform society. 

In the colleges the faculty embraced all modes of representation- 
al art. To exalt history and human experience in complete fidelity to the 
Catholic tradition, the college brought together stagecraft, plays, song, 
music and ballet, oratory, the writing of poetry, inscriptions and mot- 
toes, the drawing of afftxiones and other emblematic work, with teachers 
and students together practicing the production of texts and images. 
The emphasis on representational art celebrated the beauty of creation 
and the gifts of the Creator. They showed how the Catholic tradition 
gathered and conserved the best of the heritage of antiquity and how 
much its contemporary face was worthy to inspire the highest virtues 
and the greatest enterprises. To achieve these lofty goals, the teachers 
explained the effects of time with an educated ingenuity across a pan- 
orama of texts, lectures, adornments and images. The faculty members 
sometimes acted as historians who made present for today the treasures 
of the past. Sometimes they were the architects of the present moment 
assuring the transformation and dissemination of pictorial forms and 
theoretical analyses. Finally, the teachers did not forget their role as con- 
fident prophets of the future. By implementing this design, together 
with their students they built the public image of the Society in the city. 
They revealed the Society's merits by showing their own artistic skills 
along side those of their students. 

Although we can argue that there really never was a "Jesuit style" 
in the arts, as Gauvin Bailey asserts, we cannot deny that there was a 



^^Menestrier dedicated numerous works to this representational art and 
developed his reflection in two major treatises: La philosophie des images, compo- 
see d'un ample recueil de devises, Lyon, 1682; and La philosophie des images enigma- 
tiques, Lyons, 1694. 

5° Gauvin Alexander Bailey, "Le style jesuite n'existe pas: Jesuit corporate 
culture and the visual arts," in John W. O'Malley et al., ed.. The Jesuits: Cultures, 
Sciences, and the Arts 1540-1773. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999, p. 
38-89. 



18 ^ Luce Giard 

constant connection between the Society and the arts. Countless objects 
of artistic production emanating from the Jesuits have survived. Artis- 
tic projects took many forms. Some were crafted or composed by Jesu- 
its themselves. Others were inspired and commissioned by Jesuits, and 
although others executed them, they were still sustained, financed and 
promoted by Jesuits with the help of their friends and protectors. These 
artistic achievements included church architecture and decor as well as 
illustrated books of ceremonial display. The most famous of them was 
the great work published for the centennial of the founding of the So- 
ciety, the Imago primi saeculi (Antwerp: Plantin, 1640). To the develop- 
ment of representational art and the construction of buildings, we must 
add the iconography and stage decoration prepared for public festivals 
and various commemorative ceremonies, such as royal entrances and 
princely visits to the city, and finally, funeral rites and homage paid to 
deceased princes and the canonization of Jesuit saints. Nor must we in- 
advertently forget the writing and staging of plays, often accon\panied 
by musical interludes or dances which were attended by select mem- 
bers of the public. 

The Arts and Public Performance 

Theater emerged early on in the colleges. It was already in place 
in 1554 or 1555 in Messina and in September 1554 in Vienna, Austria. 
The young Jose de Acosta gave promise of a great future after the stag- 
ing of two of his tragedies in Medina del Campo, Spain, in 1555 and 



5^ A strong case in one province to restore the unity and meaning of Jesuit 
artistic productions is found in Jeffrey Muller, "Jesuit uses of art in the province 
of Flanders," in John W. O'Malley et al., eds.. The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and 
the Arts 1540-1773. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006, p. 113-156. 

5^ For more on this book, see note 69 below. 

53 In the case of Messina, Mario Scaduto in "Le origini dell'Universita di 
Messina," in Archivum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1948, 17, p. 102-159, has already 
reported six plays written by two teachers and enacted with great success be- 
tween 1558 and 1569. Scaduto adds that mingled together in the audience were 
nobles, authorities, educated people and common folk. (p. 140) 

54 The beginnings of the theater would have been an expansion of the feast 
for the opening of the school year or instauratio. This event marked the resump- 
tion of classes according to Gabriel Codina Mir, op. cit., p. 330. Codina Mir fol- 
lows Mario Scaduto on this point — see note 53 above. 

"Jean-Marie Valentin, op. cit., p. 39. On the first repertory performed see 
the chapter entitled "Naissance d'un theatre," p. 197-234. 



The Jesuit College ^ 19 



1556. The college of Billom, France, was founded in 1556, and there 

57 

was a theater production the following year. In the same year there 
was yet another in Lisbon, Portugal. 

In the climate of those times, theater was still regarded with some 
suspicion. Yet itinerant troupes of professional actors began to circulate 
in various regions despite the opposition of both civil and religious au- 
thorities. Some Jesuit theologians participated in the opposition by fo- 
cusing their criticisms on professional comedians, the presence of wom- 
en in the casts, the vulgarity of the language and the plots. Actually, 
the cultivation of arts of the theater was related to the social milieu of 
the students, many of whom would later be required to appear at court 
and take their rank in society. They needed to know how to dance, to 
make a speech, to introduce themselves and to read in public. They also 
had to know the social game of emotions and passions with all its dan- 
gers and contradictions. The stage was surely a place of a disciplined 
apprenticeship for what later would be their life in a society after col- 
lege. The written accounts of the colleges sent to Rome always spoke 
of the success of the theatrical endeavor, the size of the crowds and the 
requests in the area for other performances (requests generally denied). 
These plays, inspired by bible stories or adapted from ancient litera- 



5^Polanco records in his Chronicon for these two years the great success of 
these spectacles. See Monumenta Paedagogica, vol. 1, 1965, Appendix I, §1127, p. 
597 and §2447, p. 611. Concerning the author, see Claudio Burgaleta, Jose de Acos- 
ta S.J. (1540-1600): His Life and Thought. Chicago: Loyola Press, 1999. 

"For Robert Claysson's account in the Litterae Quadrimestres of the college 
in February 1558, see Monumenta Paedagogica, vol. 3, 1974, Monumentum 195, p. 
269-271. On the rapid rise of the Jesuit theater in France, its repertory, the loca- 
tion of its performances (in or outside the college) and its scenery, see Francois 
de Dainville, op. cit., p. 476-517. 

5^ According to the Chronicon of Polanco for the year 1556 which mentions 
a large crowd with outside spectators, see Monumenta Paedagogica, vol. 1, 1965, 
Appendix, §3180, p. 613. 

59 Michael Zampelli, "Lascivi Spettacoli: Jesuits and Theatre (from the Un- 
derside)," in John W. O'Malley et. al., eds.. The Jesuits II, p. 550-571. 

^°As Jean-Marie Valentin wrote, op. cit., p. 84: "If the stage is the site of 
moral and religious education, it is as much and simultaneously (but not in a dif- 
ferent way) the site of aesthetic and social education, and not as a mere alterna- 
tive." Perhaps that is why the contracts for the foundation of colleges between 
the municipal officials and the Jesuits in France in the 17th century insisted upon 
the obligation to organize "oratory, debates and public performance," as pointed 
out by Frangois de Dainville, oip. cit., p. 481. 



20 * Luce Giard 

ture (Greek tragedies, the comedies of Terence or Plautus, for example), 
sometimes disguised political allusions through allegorical cover, and 
the professors of the college took turns as authors. With the aid of Je- 
suit brothers and stage hands, the professors were also the artists who 
made the sets and props; their students were the actors and dancers, 
sometimes collaborating with a music or ballet master from outside the 
college. This was the case at the College Louis-le-Grand in Paris where 
musical tragedies had a great reputation in the years 1685-1688. In Ly- 
ons, Stephane Van Damme presumes to speak of a ''Jesuit monopoly of 
the theatre.'' Through their expertise in theatrical production, the So- 
ciety gained the reputation in the city as a "body of theatrical and com- 
munications specialists." Theater was also important for the Society 
outside Europe, notably in the colleges of Latin America. 

Soon the Jesuits combined the publication of a printed commem- 
orative program with their productions. This publication contained a 
summary of the play, some quotations from it and a list of the actors. 
The last years of the seventeenth century even saw the publication of 
complete texts of plays by the more recognized playwrights. Even so 
most of these plays remained in manuscript form, and most of them 
have disappeared entirely. Of these all that survives is a title or an allu- 
sion to it by a contemporary. The relationship between languages (Latin 
and the vernaculars) varied according to country and era. Jean-Marie 
Valentin, a great scholar of Jesuit theater in the German lands, observed 
that peoples in countries that spoke Romance-languages accepted the 
use of the vernacular more readily than did those in German-speaking 
provinces. He supposed that the confrontation with Luther anism was 
the reason for this rigidity. Most often the professor of rhetoric was 
instrumental in promoting the theatrical presentations. Some of these 
professors achieved a genuine fame as playwrights, stage designers or 
directors. The city often invited them to oversee festival days and civic 
events. With abundant documentation, the contemporary scholar Gio- 
vanna Zanlonghi describes the work of Emanuele Tesauro in organiz- 
ing the funeral rites for Philip III in Milan in 1621; of Leonardo Velli for 
the visit in 1633 of the Cardinal-Infante of Spain who was the brother of 
Philip IV; and of Giovanni Battista Barella for the funeral of Philip IV in 



^'This is the subtitle given to his chapter 4 entitled: "From seeing to writ- 
ing" (op. cit., p. 207-256.) 

''Ibid., p. 256. 

^3 Jean-Marie Valentin, op. cit., p. 125-126. 



The Jesuit College ^1^ 21 



1665. Stephane Van Damme notes that in Lyons Menestrier organized 
the ceremony for the visit of Louis XIV in 1658, when he came to nego- 
tiate his future marriage. Again in 1664 Menestrier performed the same 
services for the entrance of Cardinal Flavio Chigi, the papal legate; and 
in Chambery in 1663 for the wedding of the duke of Savoy. Other Jesu- 
its engaged in similar activities in Antwerp and Munich. 

Symbolic Arts and Liturgy 

The presentation of emblems and the painted posters (affixiones) 
associated with them occurred once or twice a year at an exposition 
in the college where they were proudly shown to visitors from the 
city. The texts were written by the students of rhetoric and poetics in 
a competition on a given theme. The best results were often selected 
and translated into visual form by professional artists. This practice 
seems to have begun rather early, in parallel to the development of the 
theater. In his capacity as visitor to the Province of Portugal in 1561, 
Jerome Nadal (1507-1580) issued instructions in Spanish explaining 
how to proceed with the composition of "dialogues, comedies or trag- 
edies, verse, speeches, etc.'' and how to organize a competition among 
students who would have to write riddles and to declaim in public the 
texts they composed. 

The majority of the affixiones have disappeared, simply because of 
their fragile material and the destruction that followed the Suppression 
of the Old Society. The fortunate preservation of a series dating from 
the seventeenth century in the Bibliotheque royale de Belgique in Brus- 
sels provides a glimpse of this elaborate and cultured artistic program 



^"^Giovanna Zanlonghi, Teatri di formazione. Actio, parola e immagine nella 
scena gesuitica del Sei-Settecento a Milano. Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2002, p. 17-130 
and 175-193. This work offers deeper reflection on the meaning of Jesuit the- 
ater. 

^5 Stephane Van Damme, op. cit., p. 242-245. Menestrier was also associ- 
ated in 1683 with the funeral rites of Henri II de Bourbon-Conde in the Jesuit 
church of Paris; ibid., p. 140-141. 

^^For the "Munich Festivals (1568-1597)," see Jean-Marie Valentin, op. cit., 
p. 235-268. 

^^See Monumenta Paedagogica, vol. 3, 1974, Monumentum 152, p. 64-66. 
The Ratio Studiorum composed in 1564-1565 by Diego de Ledesma, prefect of 
studies at the Collegio Romano, speaks explicitly of posting once a year on high 
quality paper and in beautiful calligraphy the best texts of students and profes- 
sors. Ibid., vol. 2, 1974, Monumentum 76, chapter 19, p. 551-552. 



11 ^ Luce Giard 

of the colleges. The emblems assembled by some of the teachers were 
gathered into books of illustrations, some of which have had great suc- 
cess. The best known collection is the Via Desideria (Antwerp, 1624) by 
Herman Hugo (1588-1629) at one time prefect of studies at the college 
of Brussels. Nearly forty editions of this book appeared in Latin, and 
there were many more translations and adaptations. Jesuits in the Span- 
ish Netherlands were particularly active in this literary genre. After 
Antwerp, the principal centers for this type of literature were Cologne 
and Munich in Germany, and Paris. Originally composed in Latin and 
later in the vernaculars, these collections often concerned the spiritu- 
al life. According to the felicitous expression of Jean-Marc Chatelain, 
emblem books were books ''to read so as to believe'' (lire pour croire). 
They stimulated and sustained meditation by their concise and enig- 
matic wording, and their way of arranging images resonated with the 
Ignatian "composition of place." A more elementary version of emblem 
books moved close to being variations on the illustrated catechisms that 
the Jesuits created for small children, for the Amerindians, and for use 
on the rural missions. 

The college church was also a place to display a whole artistic pro- 
gram in forms using local materials and adapted to local custom. This 



^^Karel Porteman, Emblematic Exhibitions (affixiones) at the Brussels Jesuit 
College (1630-1685). Turnhout: Brepols; and Brussels: Royal Library of Belgium, 
1996. 

^^See John Manning and Marc Van Vaeck, eds.. The Jesuits and the Em- 
blem Tradition. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999; esp. the chapter by Lynette C. Black, p. 
233-247 on the subject of a French translation of the Pia Desideria (Pieux desirs) 
(Antwerp: 1627) and the chapter of Peter M. Daly, p. 249-278, which lists the 
Flemish-Belgian output up to 1700; also on Hugo (p. 253-255). In his chapter (p. 
279-295) G. Richard Dimler considers the Imago primi saeculi of 1640 with its 126 
emblems as "the quintessential Jesuit emblem book" (p. 279). Dimler summa- 
rizes the criticisms of Jakob Masen (1606-1681) found in his Speculum Imaginum 
(Cologne, 1644). Masen was a German Jesuit playwright and longtime teacher in 
Miinster and Cologne. On German productivity in this field see Peter M. Daly et 
al., eds., Emblematik und Kunst der Jesuiten in Bayern: Einfluss und Wirkung. Turn- 
hout: Brepols, 2000. For England see Karl-Josef Holtgen, "Henry Hawkins: A Je- 
suit writer and emblematist in Stuart England," in John W. O'Malley et al., eds.. 
The Jesuits, p. 600-626. 

^° Jean-Marc Chatelain, "Lire pour croire: mise en texte de I'embleme et 
art de mediter au XVIIe siecle," in Bibliotheque de I'Ecole de Chartes, 1992, 150, p. 
321-351. 

^'Some examples include Luc Francis Genicot et al., "L'ancienne eglise 
Saint-Ignace, actuellement Saint-Loup a Namur, son mobilier et son college," in 



The Jesuit College ^^ 23 



program was sustained by often elegant and sophisticated architecture, 
which included the decor of the interior (elegant floor and wall decor, 
paintings, statues, and sculpted wood furnishings) and the statues and 
other images on the exterior. The program was consonant with the var- 
ious liturgical celebrations that took place in the church. 

From the beginnings of the Society the use of music in liturgies 
was the object of contradictory directives, which were followed in dif- 
ferent degrees and had different consequences depending on time and 
place. On this point the Society was motivated by the desire for sim- 
plicity and good use of its manpower resources, which was consistent 
with its initial refusal to chant the Divine Office in choir. The current 
baroque style, however, exercised a growing pressure on the Society 
against its initial insistence on simplicity. This pressure was reinforced 
by the social milieu of its students and the splendor that the Society was 
tempted to bring to its presence in the cities. 

Normally on Saturdays or Sundays, either in church or in a meet- 
ing hall in the school, the students presented some catechetical sessions 
as little skits and short speeches, to which the families with other guests 
and the public at large were invited. The college church, sometimes 
a superb edifice like Saint Michael in Munich, was always a place of 
contact between the college community and the city. The fame of Jesuit 
preachers also drew many of the faithful to the college church, much to 
the discontent and at times the complaint of the local clergy. 



Les Jesuites a Namur 1610-1773. Namur: Presses universitaires de Namur, 1991, 
p. 97-250; Michel Schmitt, "L'architecture de Teglise des jesuites a Luxembourg 
dans son contexte religieux et regional," in Josy Birsens, ed., op. cit., p. 107-113; 
Johannes Terhalle, ". . . . ha della Grandezza de padri Gesuiti. Die Architektur 
der Jesuiten um 1600 und St. Michael in Miinchen," in Reinhold Baumstark, ed., 
Rom in Bayern. Kunst und Spiritualitat der ersten Jesuiten. Munich: Bayerisches Na- 
tionalmuseum et Hirmer Verlag, 1997, p. 83-146. 

7^ For the colleges of Coimbra and Lisbon in Portugal, of Funchal at Madei- 
ra, see Nuno Vassallo e Silva, "Art in the service of God: The impact of the Soci- 
ety of Jesus on the decorative arts in Portugal," in John W. O'Malley et al., eds.. 
The Jesuits II p. 182-210. 

73 David Crook, "A certain indulgence: Music at the Jesuit College in Paris, 
1575-1590," in John W. O'Malley et al., eds.. The Jesuits U, p. 454-478. 

7^ Jeffrey Chipps Smith, "The art of salvation in Bavaria," in John W. 
O'Malley et al., eds.. The Jesuits, p. 568-599, esp. 573-574. 



24: ^ Luce Giard 

III. Centers of Spirituality 

The third function of the college was as a place to stimulate faith 
and devotion. This is of course no surprise. The Ratio studiorum 
of 1599, tells us that included in the education of the students 
was training in piety and "Christian doctrine/' i.e., catechism. Bibli- 
cal quotations and references, representations and commentaries on the 
great events of salvation history, devotional readings and spiritual di- 
rection — all had their place in the college, and they were coordinated 
with learning and the arts, the two functions described above. This third 
function inspired the theological writings of some professors, the liter- 
ary production of Jesuit confessors and preachers, the theater scenarios, 
the rhetorical orations, the imagery of emblems, and the decor of the 
churches. 

Besides all that, two specific institutions contributed to promoting 
religious devotion. The first were the Sodalities of Our Lady, also known 
as Marian Congregations. These organizations were originally designed 
for students but later were extended to reach a wide range of social 
groups in the city. Their founding and structure is attributed to a young 
Belgian Jesuit from Liege named Jean Leunis (or Leon), (1532-1584). In 
1563 he taught the first year of grammar at the Collegio Romano, where 
he founded the first of these Sodalities. He later imported his innova- 
tion into France, where he spent time in the colleges of Paris, Billom, 
and Lyons. His work was continued and augmented by Frans De Cos- 



" Manuel Ruiz Jurado, "La formazione e I'influsso spirituale del collegio 
della Compagnia di Gesu," in Filippo lappelli and Ulderico Parente, eds., op. cit., 
p. 149-165. 

^^The Litterae semestres from Rome witness to' the early existence of a Marian 
Sodality at the Collegio Romano. In 1563 Thomas Raggius wrote a letter to the whole 
Society explaining the Sodality's purpose and function and its good results. (Thomas 
Raggius, 30 June 1563, Italian text in Polanco, Complementa, vol. 1, Letter 80, p. 375). 
Again the following year Prosper Malavolta wrote another letter. (Prosper Malavolta 
to the whole Society, 14 July 1564, Latin text in ibid.. Letter 104, p. 470-471). Without 
negating the role of Leunis at the Collegio Romano, Emile Villaret in "Les premieres 
origines des congregations mariales dans la Compagnie de Jesus," Archivum Histori- 
cum Societatis lesu, 1937, 6, p. 25-57) reports of "some sketches or rough drafts for fu- 
ture Sodalities" in different parts of the Society (p. 26). For Valladolid in Spain in 1563 
and in various Italian cities (Ferrara, Florence, Messina, Naples, Padua, Palermo, Pe- 
rugia and Venice, etc.) starting in 1554 for the oldest one of them. These pious orga- 
nizations sometimes gathered together the students of the college or sometimes the 
adults from the city. 



The Jesuit College t^ 25 



tere (Costerus) (1532-1619), a native of Malines in Belgium. De Costere 
was professor at the college in Cologne and then served as rector in 
Douay and Bruges. To him we owe a ''true handbook of the Christian 
life/' intended for members of the Sodalities. This Libellus sodalitatis 
(Cologne, 1586) was often reprinted, translated, and adapted. De Cos- 
tere participated in the preparation of the Ratio studiorum as a mem- 
ber of a commission of twelve members that was designated during 
the Fourth General Congregation, 1581, to draw up a "plan of studies." 
Nothing came of this attempt. Nonetheless the first actualized version 
of the Ratio, 1586, mentions the "Sodality of the Annunciation of Mary" 
in a directive to establish it in all the schools in imitation of the origi- 
nal one in the Collegio Romano. The purpose was to spread "the sweet 
odor of our schools to the whole city." In the definitive version, 1599, 
the Sodality was again referred to, and the rector himself was required 
to see to its establishment in the college. 

The Ratio adds that in principle only members of the Sodality 
could be admitted to the "academy," which was a kind of special insti- 
tute added into each cycle of studies for the better students. The acad- 
emy promoted the students' scholastic interests and talents and offered 



^^Jean-Frangois Gilmont, Les ecrits spirituels des premiers jesuites. Inventaire 
commente. Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1961, p. 302-308. 

^^ Joseph de Guibert, La spiritualite de la Compagnie de Jesus. Esquisse histo- 
rique. Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1953, p. 199. 

^9 Gathered after the death of Mercurian to elect a successor (Claudio 
Aquaviva), the Congregation wished to reply to the insistent requests made by 
many provincial congregations. Ladislaus Lukacs presumes that the difficulty of 
the job and the lack of time explain the failure of the commission. In any event 
we know nothing about these works. See Lukacs' 'Tntroductio," in Monumenta 
Paedagogica, vol. 5, 1986, p. 10. Among the other members of the commission be- 
sides De Costere we see Pedro da Fonseca, Juan de Maldonado, Achille Gagli- 
ardi, and others. The Latin text of the decree is found in Monumenta Paedagogica, 
vol. 7, 1992, Monumentum 34, p. 293. The English translation is found in John W. 
Padberg et al., eds.. For Matters of Greater Moment: The First Thirty Jesuit General 
Congregations. St. Louis, Missouri: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1994, The Fourth 
General Congregation, Decree 31, p. 176. 

^°". . . et nostrarum scholarum bonum odorem in totam plane civitatem 
diffundit." Monumenta Paedagogica, vol. 5, 1986, Ratio of 1599, p. 143. 

^'See the Rules for the Rector in the Ratio of 1599. Latin text in Monumenta 
Paedagogica vol. 5, 1986, p. 372. French translation in Adrien Demoustier and Do- 
minique Julia, eds.. Ratio studiorum. Plan raisonne et institution des etudes dans la 
Compagnie de Jesus. Paris: Belin, 1997, p. 95. 



26 ^ Luce Giard 

them program enrichments. The academy also usually provided for the 
teaching of some subjects that were of interest only to a small number 
of advanced students. At the CoUegio Romano under the inspiration 
of Christoph Clavius the academies of mathematics were after 1580 the 
principal instrument for scientific development there. These academies 
were designed to assure a place for the discipline in the colleges and to 
prepare future teachers for it. 

Members of the academies and Sodalities comprised an elite ech- 
elon in the college and were the object of special attention on the part of 
the faculty. A prefect was assigned to each of these two groups. For the 
academies, the prefect was always a Jesuit, whereas for the Sodalities he 
was always a student chosen by his peers for the cohesion of the group. 
The student, however, was under the supervision of a Jesuit director. 

Except on class days members of the Sodalities took part in apos- 
tolic and religious activities in the city and environs — catechism classes 
for young children, performances of skits from Bible stories or lives of 
the saints, recitation of prayers in front of religious statues, especially 
of their patron, the Virgin Mary, participation in processions, and oth- 
er manifestations of religious instruction and devotion. Louis Chatellier, 
who studied this movement carefully, encountered evidence of its bril- 
liant success across Europe. The movement expanded beyond the stu- 
dents in the colleges to other social groups, and it became one of the 
principal apostolic instruments of the Jesuits in the cities. By 1576 in 
Cologne and by 1584 in Munich there were Sodalities for adults outside 
the colleges, a pattern that soon was repeated everywhere the Jesuits 
were present in any numbers. 

After 1590 there was a progressive alignment of the Sodalities ac- 
cording to social status and state of life. Some remained attached to the 
Jesuits of the college, and others were directed from the Professed Hous- 
es. There were Sodalities for the Messieurs (noblemen or bourgeois). Oth- 

*^Six sets of Rules govern three kinds of academies each with its respective 
prefect. One academy is for theologians and philosophers, the second is for rheto- 
ricians and humanists, and the third is for grammarians. Latin text in Monumenta 
Paedagogica, vol. 5, 1986, Ratio of 1599, p. 448-454. French translation in Adrien 
Demoustier and Dominique Julia, eds., op. cit., p. 204-215. 

^3 Antonella Romano, La Contre-Reforme mathematique, p. 102-110. 

^'* Louis Chatellier, L'Europe des devots. Paris: Flammarion, 1987. Also by 
Louis Chatellier, "Les jesuites et I'ordre social," in Luce Giard and Louis de 
Vaucelles, eds., Les jesuites a I'dge baroque (1540-1640). Grenoble: Jerome Millon, 
1996, p. 143-154. Also Joseph de Guibert, op. cit., p. 286-292. 



The Jesuit College ^ 27 



er Sodalities for professional artisans were later divided into groups of 
full trade-masters and associates. They broadened their network from 
city to city and took the lead in charitable and social work within the cit- 
ies. In 1609 a professor of theology at the college at Naples, Francesco 
Pavone (1568-1637), founded an academy of biblical study for priests. 
Two years later he transformed it into a Sodality 'Tor the reform of the 
clergy'' This movement had a great influence in the diocese of Naples 
and was imitated in other areas of Italy. 

Whether in gatherings of students or adults, the Sodality had its 
own collection of devotional literature. For Sodality purposes Jesuits 
produced spiritual publications in a variety of genres. In the middle 
of the seventeenth century the Major Sodality adopted the custom of 
producing a New Year book (livre d'etrennes) each year, which was dis- 
tributed to all the members. In large cities the Sodalities often met in 
a separate building of their own where the meetings took place and 
where the members had their own chapel. In other places the members 

87 

gathered in the church of the local college. In France and Germany 
the Sodalities of the Messieurs organized the social elite around the 
local Catholic prince and contributed to the effort to rebuild a united 
and deeply religious community in the aftermath of the rupture of the 

88 

Reformation. Everywhere the members of the Sodalities participated 
in processions, pilgrimages, devotions to the saints and especially to 



^5 Louis Chatellier, L'Europe des devots, p. 85 and 87 and 89. Also Joseph de 
Guibert, op. cit., p. 289 and 320-321. The works of Pavone appear in Ignacio Ip- 
arraguirre. Repertoire de spiritualite ignatienne de la mort de S. Ignace a celle du P. 
Aquaviva (1556-1615). Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1961, List p. 
202. 

^^ Louis ChatelHer, L'Europe des devots, p. 99. Also Joseph de Guibert, op. 
cit., p. 309 and 329-330. 

^^ Francois de Dainville, op. cit., p. 485-486. Dainville indicates that in the 
French colleges they often constructed with the support of the city a room large 
enough to put on their theater presentations. The room was called the "salle des 
actions" or the "salle des actes." These rooms also served as meeting places for 
the sodalists. The rooms were piously decorated in accord with Marian piety. 

^^ Louis Chatellier, "Les jesuites et la naissance d'un type: le devot," in 
Genevieve and Guy Demerson et al, eds., Les jesuites parmi les hommes aux XVIe et 
XVIIe siecles. Clermont-Ferrand: Faculte des lettres de LUniversite de Clermont- 
Ferrand II, 1987, p. 257-264. 



28 ^ Luce Giard 

the Blessed Virgin, all of which were characteristic of baroque piety, 
thus promoting the practice of such expressions of devotion and culti- 
vating the taste for them. 

Domestic Missions 

The second institution for which the Jesuits in the colleges were re- 
sponsible was the ''missions,'' that is, the pastoral strategy that consist- 
ed in a team of Jesuits visiting a specific locality for one or several weeks 
to implement an intense program of sermons, catechesis, confessions, 
and communal acts of religious devotion. The missions addressed the 
particular needs, as for instance of prostitutes or the imprisoned, and 
especially of Catholics living in small villages or hamlets. By means of 
his circular letter of May, 1599, Father General Claudio Aquaviva rekin- 
dled activity in this apostolate by requiring each Jesuit, no matter what 
his assignment, to preach at least one such mission each year. This letter 
marked a revisiting of an apostolate that was especially vigorous in the 
Society before the founding of the colleges. The Society surely had al- 
ready developed missionary activities in old Catholic countries as well 
as outside of Europe, but Aquaviva' s letter gave a renewed impulse to 
these activities. Soon the missions flourished, and for them the Jesuits 

91 

developed a style all their own. Moreover, from this time forward the 
colleges were even more closely interconnected with them. In France, 
for instance, in the seventeenth century "residences for missionaries" 
were created to retake lands from the Calvinists. Although each of these 
residences had its own superior, they were always "attached to the near- 
est college." Some Jesuits from the staff of the colleges dedicated con- 



^^ Louis Chatellier, L'Europe des devots, p. 170-171. 

9° John W. O'Malley, The First Jesuits, p. 126-127. 

9' For a deepened, incisive and critical reflection on this, see Adriano Pros- 
peri, Tribunali della coscienza. Inquisitori, confessori, missionari. Turin: Einaudi, 
1996, p. 551-679. A comparative analysis of the "internal mission" with the "for- 
eign missions" is in Paolo Broggio, Evangelizare il mondo. he missioni della Com- 
pagnia di Gesii tra Europa e America (secoli XVI-XVII). Rome: Carocci, 2004. Rela- 
tive to the change of direction desired by Aquaviva, see p. 51-58 and 80-84. A 
description of the ways of proceeding which were retained is in Bernard Domp- 
nier, "La Compagnie de Jesus et la mission de I'interieur," in Luce Giard and 
Louis de Vaucelles, eds., op. cit., p. 155-179. 

9^ See the "Introduction" in Pierre Delattre, op. cit., vol. I, 1940, p. xii. 
This way of doing things seems not to have been imitated in the other Europe- 
an countries. About 1600-1602 in Naples the Provincial Fabio Fabi (1542-1615) 



The Jesuit College ^ 29 



siderable time and energy to the mission apostolate, and sometimes did 
so with the collaboration of their older students and the members of the 
Sodalities during the time the college was in recess. 

These missions took place over a limited time-period, as indicat- 
ed, and were carefully prepared. They carried to the outside world in 
an adapted and simplified form elements of the culture of the college — 

93 

preaching, dramatized rites and other performances, the encourage- 
ment of devotion to Mary, assessments of the local social reality, and 
efforts to reach out to every level of the local population. Thus in Na- 
ples in 1601 Girolamo di Alessandro, a professor at the college, founding 
the Congregation of the Epiphany for the conversion of Muslim slaves, 
most of whom came from North Africa. In 1603 Aqua viva ordered the 
Naples college to establish a language academy so that the Jesuit scho- 
lastics could be prepared to converse with these slaves in their native 
languages. The organization of this academy was entrusted to Pier- An- 
tonio Spinelli (1555-1615). Spinelli came from a noble family and was a 
theologian, but for a very long time he worked with the poor in the city. 

94 

He was the one who drew attention to this problem of language. When 
Spinelli was still a Scholastic, he founded the first Marian Sodality in 
Naples in 1577. Later he was provincial in Rome (1603-1606) and again 
in Naples (1606-1609 and 1612-1615). He was also the author of a seri- 
ous treatise on mariology called Maria Deipara Thronus Dei (Naples 1613) 
and died with a reputation for great sanctity. 



was disturbed about the possible weakening of the colleges if the authorities cre- 
ated "houses of missionaries" to which some members of the college communi- 
ty would be assigned. See Jennifer D. Selwyn, A Paradise Inhabited by Devils: The 
Jesuits' Civilizing Mission in Early Modern Naples. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing 
Limited; and Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 2004, p. 143-144. 

93 See for example Marie-Lucie Copete and Federico Palomar, "Des caremes 
apres le careme. Strategies de conversion et fonctions politiques des missions in- 
terieures en Espagne et au Portugal (1540-1650)/' in Revue de synthese, special 
issue, Les Jesuites dans le monde moderne. Nouvelles approches, ed. Pierre-Antoine 
Fabre and Antonella Romano, 120, 4e serie, 1999, p. 359-380; esp. p. 366-370. In 
the case of Naples, see Jennifer D. Selwyn, op. cit., p. 150-155 and 183-185 and 
211-242. 

94 Jennifer D. Selwyn, op. cit., p. 62 and 70-71 and 90-94. 

95Spinelli's works are referred to in Ignacio Iparraguirre, op. cit., List p. 
214. Also in Jean-Michel Sallmann, Naples et ses saints a I'dge baroque (1540-1750). 



30 ^ Luce Giard 

The college was certainly a place for fostering faith, often in ways 
too difficult for the historian to reconstruct entirely. Among these were 
the conversations of the faculty with the local inhabitants, confessions, 
spiritual direction and the giving of the Spiritual Exercises to a widening 
circle of the faithful. This neglected area of study merits more research. 
Unfortunately, works on this aspect of the subject currently lack an ade- 
quate historiography. 

A Concluding Comment 

The Jesuit philosopher / historian Michel de Certeau (1925-1986) 
described the ministries of the Society during the generalate 
of Claudio Aquaviva as having three areas of expression or 
three vocabularies. The first, growing out of the humanist heritage 
and the culture of the baroque era, manifested itself in the pedagogy 
of the colleges, of which enthusiasm for the theater was an important 
aspect. It also manifested itself in the pastoral techniques employed 
in the missions preached in the countryside. It put into circulation a 
rich repertory of words, images, other sorts of visuals, and practices 
of representations. 

The second category consisted in objective scholarship in the sci- 
ences as well as in other erudite disciplines. Jesuits took part in learned 
debates with their contemporaries and contributed to the advancement 
of knowledge in a wide variety of areas from astronomy to pharmacolo- 
gy, from classical archeology to the analysis of non-European languages. 
The life of faith was the third area, which included the language of spir- 
ituality. That is to say, a language of greater interiority and, more spe- 
cifically, of Ignatian inspiration, which was always ready for reformula- 
tion so as to be adapted to concrete situations and to new developments 
within the Society itself. 

These three areas of expression, each of which was as rich as the 
other, undergirded the manifold activities of a Jesuit college. As I have 
tried to show above, besides instruction, which was its raison d'etre, a 



Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1994, p. 54 and 143. 

9^ Michel de Certeau, "J^suites. 3. La reforme de I'interieur au temps 
d' Aquaviva," in Dictionnaire de spiritualite ascetique et mystique, vol. 8, col. 992. 
Paris: 1973. The text is also found in his collection Le Lieu de V autre. Histoire re- 
ligieuse et mystique, by Luce Giard (ed.). Paris: Gallimard and Seuil, 2005, p. 
162-163. 



The Jesuit College ^ 31 



college had other functions so as to become a place of erudition and in- 
struction for the town and for the society in which it found itself. It was 
also a place where a complete artistic program was created and made 
available to the public, and of course always a place for the nourishing 
and deepening of faith. 

The Society was not founded as a teaching order, but once it com- 
mitted itself to the educational apostolate, it developed a certain model 
of school and made it function with great success on a grand scale that 
was not confined to a narrow and limited conception of what teaching 
was all about. The Society knew how to be attentive to the social realities 
of the town. It knew how to find a number of ways to assure ''the help of 
souls.'' and to fulfill what I have called 'Te devoir d' intelligence,'' a duti- 
ful regard for the intellect, beyond the walls of the school, thanks to the 
talent, the energy, and the good will of those within the walls. 

Professors, staff in charge of the managing of the school, Jesuit 
scholastics, and students were all committed, in varying degrees, to dis- 
seminating knowledge, art and theatrical performance, and religious de- 
votion to the world outside the school. In their turn, these activities ad 
extra contributed to the success of the educational system ad intra. The 
teachers and students were thus able to adapt the content of the text- 
based culture of the school to concrete circumstances, to test the three 
areas of expression, to refine their perceptions of the diversity of social 
realities, and to affirm their own identity as believers. These are the ex- 
changes between the inside and the outside of the educational institu- 
tion that sustained it and made it impressive over the long haul. 



I 



Past Issues of Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 

Available for Sale 

(For prices, see inside back cover.) 

1/1 Sheets, Profile of the Contemporary Jesuit (Sept. 1969) 

1/2 Ganss, Authentic Spiritual Exercises: History and Terminology (Nov. 1969) 

2/1 Burke, Institution and Person (Feb. 1970) 

2/2 Futrell, Ignatian Discernment (Apr. 1970) 

2/3 Lonergan, Response of the Jesuit as Priest and Apostle (Sept. 1970) 

3/1 Wright, Grace of Our Pounder and the Grace of Our Vocation (Feb. 1971) 

3/2 O'Flaherty, Some Reflections on Jesuit Commitment (Apr. 1971) 

3/4 Toner, A Method for Communal Discernment of God's Will (Sept. 1971) 

3/5 Sheets, Toward a Theology of the Religious Life (Nov. 1971) 

4/2 Two Discussions: I. Spiritual Direction, 11. Leadership and Authority (Mar. 1972) 

4/3 Orsy, Some Questions about the Purpose and Scope of the General Congregation 

(June 1972) 
4/4 Ganss, Wright, O'Malley, O'Donovan, Dulles, On Continuity and Change: A 
Symposium (Oct. 1972) 
5 / 1-2 O'Flaherty, Renewal: Call and Response (Jan.-Mar. 1973) 
5/3 Arrupe, McNaspy, The Place of Art in Jesuit Life (Apr. 1973) 
5/4 Haughey, The Pentecostal Thing and Jesuits (June 1973) 
5/5 Orsy, Toward a Theological Evaluation of Communal Discernment (Oct. 1973) 
6/3 Knight, Joy and Judgment in Religious Obedience (Apr. 1974) 
7/1 Wright, Ganss, Orsy, On Thinking with the Church Today (Jan. 1975) 
7/2 Ganss, Christian Life Communities from the Sodalities (Mar. 1975) 
7/3 Connolly, Contemporary Spiritual Direction: Scope and Principles (June 1975) 
7/5 Buckley, The Confirmation of a Promise; Padberg, Continuity and Change in Gen- 
eral Congregation XXXII (Nov. 1975) 
8/1 O'Neill, Acatamiento: Ignatian Reverence (Jan. 1976) 
8/2-3 De la Costa, Sheridan, and others. On Becoming Poor: A Symposium on Evan- 
gelical Poverty (Mar.-May 1976) 
8/4 Faricy, Jesuit Community: Community of Prayer (Oct. 1976) 
9/1-2 Becker, Changes in U.S. Jesuit Membership, 1958-75; Others, Reactions and Ex- 
planations (Jan.-Mar. 1977) 
9/4 Connolly, Land, Jesuit Spiritualities and the Struggle for Social Justice (Sept. 

1977). 
9/5 Gill, A Jesuit's Account of Conscience (Nov. 1977) 

10/1 Kammer, "Burn-Out" —Dilemma for the Jesuit Social Activist (Jan. 1978) 
10/4 Harvanek, Status of Obedience in the Society of Jesus; Others, Reactions to Con- 
nolly-Land (Sept. 1978) 
11/1 Clancy, Feeling Bad about Feeling Good (Jan. 1979) 

11/2 Maruca, Our Personal Witness as Power to Evangelize Culture (Mar. 1979) 
11/3 Klein, American Jesuits and the Liturgy (May 1979) 
11/5 Conwell, The Kamikaze Factor: Choosing Jesuit Ministries (Nov. 1979) 
12/2 Henriot, Appleyard, Klein, Living Together in Mission: A Symposium on Small 

Apostolic Communities (Mar. 1980) 
12/3 Conwell, Living and Dying in the Society of Jesus (May 1980) 
13/1 Peter, Alcoholism in Jesuit Life (Jan. 1981) 



13/3 Ganss, Towards Understanding the Jesuit Brothers' Vocation (May 1981) 
13/4 Reites, St. Ignatius of Loyola and the Jews (Sept. 1981) 
14/1 O'Malley, The Jesuits, St. Ignatius, and the Counter Reformation (Jan. 1982) 
14/2 Dulles, St. Ignatius and Jesuit Theological Tradition (Mar. 1982) 
14/4 Gray, An Experience in Ignatian Government (Sept. 1982) 
14/5 Ivern, The Future of Faith and Justice: Review of Decree Four (Nov. 1982) 
15/1 O'Malley, The Fourth Vow in Its Ignatian Context (Jan. 1983) 
15/2 Sullivan and Faricy, On Making the Spiritual Exercises for Renewal of Jesuit 
Charisms (Mar. 1983) 
15/3-4 Padberg, The Society True to Itself: A Brief History of the 32nd General Congrega- 
tion of the Society of Jesus (May-Sept. 1983) 
15/5-16/1 Tetlow, Jesuits' Mission in Higher Education (Nov. 1983-Jan. 1984) 

16/2 O'Malley, To Travel to Any Part of the World: Jerdnimo Nadal and the Jesuit Voca- 
tion (Mar. 1984) 
16/3 O'Hanlon, Integration of Christian Practices: A Western Christian Looks East 

(May 1984) 
16/4 Carlson, "A Faith Lived Out of Doors": Ongoing Formation (Sept. 1984) 
17/1 Spohn, St. Paul on Apostolic Celibacy and the Body of Christ (Jan. 1985) 
17/2 Daley, "In Ten Thousand Places": Christian Universality and the Jesuit Mission 

(Mar. 1985) 
17/3 Tetlow, Dialogue on the Sexual Maturing of Celibates (May 1985) 
17/4 Spohn, Coleman, Clarke, Henriot, Jesuits and Peacemaking (Sept. 1985) 
17/5 Kinerk, When Jesuits Pray: A Perspective on the Prayer of Apostolic Persons (Nov. 

1985) 
18/1 Gelpi, The Converting Jesuit (Jan. 1986). 

18/2 Beirne, Compass and Catalyst: The Ministry of Administration (Mar. 1986) 
18/3 McCormick, Bishops as Teachers and Jesuits as Listeners (May 1986) 
18/5 Tetlow, The Transformation of Jesuit Poverty (Nov. 1986). 
19/1 Staudenmaier, United States Technology and Adult Commitment (Jan. 1987) 
19/2 Appleyard, Languages We Use: Talking about Religious Experience (Mar. 1987) 
19/5 Endean, Who Do You Say Ignatius Is? Jesuit Fundamentalism and Beyond (Nov. 

1987) 
20/1 Brackley, Downward Mobility: Social Implications of St. Ignatius's Two Standards 

(Jan. 1988) 
20/2 Padberg, How We Live Where We Live (Mar. 1988) 

20/3 Hayes, Padberg, Staudenmaier, Symbols, Devotions, and Jesuits (May 1988) 
20/4 McGovern, Jesuit Education and Jesuit Spirituality (Sept. 1988) 
20/5 Barry, Jesuit Formation Today: An Invitation to Dialogue and Involvement (Nov. 

1988) 
21/1 Wilson, Where Do We Belong? United States Jesuits and Their Memberships (Jan. 

1989) 
21/2 Demoustier, Calvez, et al.. The Disturbing Subject: The Option for the Poor 

(Mar. 1989) 
21/3 Soukup, Jesuit Response to the Communication Revolution (May 1989) 
22/1 Carroll, The Spiritual Exercises in Everyday Life (Jan. 1990) 
22/2 Bracken, Jesuit Spirituality from a Process Prospective (March 1990) 
22/3 Shepherd, Fire for a Weekend: An Experience of the Exercises (May 1990) 
22/4 O'Sullivan, Trust Your Feelings, but Use Your Head (Sept. 1990) 
22/5 Coleman, A Company of Critics: Jesuits and the Intellectual Life (Nov. 1990) 
23/1 Houdek, The Road Too Often Traveled (Jan. 1991) 

23/3 Begheyn and Bogart, A Bibliography on St. Ignatius's Spiritual Exercises (May 
1991) 



23/4 Shelton, Reflections on the Mental Health of Jesuits (Sept. 1991) 

23/5 Toolan, ''Nature Is a Heraclitean Fire" (Nov. 1991) 

24/1 Houdek, Jesuit Prayer and Jesuit Ministry: Context and Possibilities (Jan. 1992) 

24/2 Smolich, Testing the Water: Jesuits Accompanying the Poor (March 1992) 

24/3 Hassel, Jesus Christ Changing Yesterday, Today, and Forever (May 1992) 

24/4 Shelton, Toward Healthy Jesuit Community Living (Sept. 1992) 

24/5 Cook, Jesus' Parables and the Faith That Does Justice (Nov. 1992) 

25/3 Padberg, Ignatius, the Popes, and Realistic Reverence (May 1993) 

25/4 Stahel, Toward General Congregation 34 (Sept. 1993) 

25/5 Baldovin, Christian Liturgy: An Annotated Bibliography (Nov. 1993) 

26/2 Murphy, The Many Ways of Justice (March 1994) 

26/3 Staudenmaier, To Fall in Love with the World (May 1994) 

26/5 Landy, Myths That Shape Us (Nov 1994) 

27/1 Daley, "To Be More like Christ" (Jan. 1995) 

27/2 Schmidt, Portraits and Landscapes (March 1995) 

27/3 Stockhausen, I'd Love to, but I Don't Have the Time (May 1995) 

27/4 Anderson, Jesuits in Jail, Ignatius to the Present (Sept. 1995) 

27/5 Shelton, Friendship in Jesuit Life (Nov. 1995) 

28/1 Begheyn, Bibliography on the History of the Jesuits (Jan. 1996) 

28/3 Clooney, In Ten Thousand Places, in Every Blade of Grass (May 1996) 

28/4 Starkloff, "As Different As Night and Day" (Sept. 1996) 

28/5 Beckett, Listening to Our History (Nov. 1996) 

29/1 Hamm, Preaching Biblical Justice (Jan. 1997) 

29/2 Padberg, The Three Forgotten Founders (March 1997) 

29/3 Byrne, Jesuits and Parish Ministry {May 1997) 

29 / 4 Keenan, Are Informationes Ethical? (Sept. 1997) 

29/5 Ferlita, The Road to Bethlehem-Is It Level or Winding? (Nov. 1997) 

30/1 Shore, The "Vita Christi" ofLudolph of Saxony and Its Influence on the "Spiritual 

Exercises of Ignatius of Loyola" (Jan. 1998) 

30/2 Starkloff, "I'm No Theologian, but . . . (or So . . . )?" (March 1998) 

30/3 Torrens, The Word That Clamors (May 1998) 

30/4 Petrik, "Being Sent" (Sept. 1998) 

30/5 Jackson, "One and the Same Vocation" (Nov. 1998) 

31/1 Clifford, Scripture and the Exercises (Jan. 1999) 

31/2 Toohig, Physics Research, a Search for God (March 1999) 

31/3 Fagin, Fidelity in the Church — Then and Now (May 1999) 

31/4 Schineller, Pilgrim Journey of Ignatius (Sept. 1999) 

31/5 Fullam, Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society (Nov. 1999) 

32/1 Langan, The Good of Obedience in a Culture of Autonomy (Jan. 2000) 

32 / 2 Blake, Listen with Your Eyes (March 2000) 

32 / 3 Shelton, When a Jesuit Counsels Others (May 2000) 

32/4 Barry, Past, Present, and Future (Sept. 2000) 

32/5 Starkloff, Pilgrimage Re-envisioned (Nov. 2000) 

33/1 Kolvenbach et al.. Faith, Justice, and American Jesuit Higher Education (Jan. 

2001) 

33/2 Keenan, Unexpected Consequences: Persons's Christian Directory (March 2001) 

33/3 Arrupe, Trinitarian Inspiration of the Ignatian Charism (May 2001) 

33/4 Veale, Saint Ignatius Asks, "Are You Sure You Know Who I Am?" (Sept. 2001) 

33/5 Barry and Keenan, How Multicultural Are We? (Nov. 2001) 

34 / 1 Blake, "City of the Living God " (Jan. 2002) 

34/2 Clooney, A Charism for Dialog (March 2002) 



34/3 Rehg, Christian Mindfulness (May 2002) 

34/4 Brackley, Expanding the Shrunken Soul (Sept. 2002) 

34/5 Bireley, The Jesuits and Politics in Time of War (Nov. 2002) 

35/1 Barry, Jesuit Spirituality for the Whole of Life (Jan. 2003) 

35/2 Madden /Janssens, The Training of Ours in the Sacred Liturgy (March 2003) 

35/4 Modras, A Jesuit in the Crucible (Sept. 2003) 

35/5 Lucas, Virtual Vessels, Mystical Signs (Nov. 2003) 

36/1 Rausch, Christian Life Communities for Jesuit University Students? (Spring 

2004) 

36/2 Bernauer, The Holocaust and the Search for Forgiveness (Summer 2004) 

36/3 Nantais, ''Whatever! " Is Not Ignatian Indifference (Fall 2004) 

36/4 Lukacs, The Incarnational Dynamic of the Constitutions (Winter 2004) 

37/1 Smolarski, Jesuits on the Moon (Spring 2005) 

37/2 McDonough, Clenched Fist or Open Hands? (Summer 2005) 

37/3 Torrens, Tuskegee Years (Fall 2005) 

37/4 O'Brien, Consolation in Action (Winter 2005) 

38/1 Schineller, In Their Own Words (Spring 2006) 

38/2 Jackson, "Something that happened to me at Manresa" (Summer 2006) 

38/3 Reiser, Locating the Grace of the Fourth Week (Fall 2006) 

38/4 O'Malley, Five Missions of the Jesuit Charism (Winter 2006) 

39/1 McKevitt, Italian Jesuits in Maryland (Spring 2007) 

39/2 Kelly, Loved into Freedom and Service (Summer 2007 

39/3 Kennedy, Music and the Jesuit Mission (Autumn 2007) 

39/4 Creed, Jesuits and the Homeless (Winter 2007) 

40/ 1 Giard, The Jesuit College (Spring 2008) 



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